DURING the years preceding the establishment of the National Party of Nigeria (NPN) in 1978, a coalition of politicians from most of the parties of the First Republic worked together in an organisation called the National Movement to set up ONE DOMINANT party that would be used to share power and its fruits. In a sense, the idea was to create national unity by ending the two divides in Nigerian politics – the ideological and the ethno-religious.
Candido, the famous and perceptive man behind the mask in New Nigerian newspapers captured the spirit well on his editorial page in 1978. He was referring to the NPN: “It is led by Comrade, Chief, (Dr), Alhaji Candido on a platform dedicated to democratic dictatorship and capitalist socialism and inspired by the philosophy of CHOP AND LET CHOP.”
With the North united as the most formidable base of the NPN, southern politicians from the South West, South East and Niger Delta were then integrated into what was presented as the winning team. Meanwhile, stringent conditions had been introduced into the Constitution to disallow the registration of parties that only had a regional base so the NPN was the “only” party that could dominate the political arena.
In actual fact, one of the parties that applied for registration and failed to get it in 1978 was the “You Chop I Chop” party”. Maybe FEDECO thought they were too blunt about their objective. The politicians were turning their back to the politics of the First Republic and were now ready to focus on pillaging the national treasury.
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Scholars and politicians concerned today about the risk of the current attempt by the APC to forge a one-party state should start from the dynamics of 1978. They should start by reading The Barons, written by late statesman, Ahmadu Kurfi, who gives a detailed overview of how the Northern political class worked very hard to ensure all the political actors in the country were in ONE political party together. Then they should read the account of the formation of the NPN by its first secretary, Uba Ahmed – Ahmed I. U. (1986) The National Party of Nigeria, From Origins to Electoral Success, Master’s Thesis, University of Birmingham.
The political project of the NPN was the development of a national system for the distribution of the ‘national cake’, a spoils system, as it were. That cake refers to federally-generated resources made available for political appropriation by the Nigerian state. This Nigerian concept was therefore developed and popularised in response to the vastly expanded scope for primitive accumulation that was created by the petroleum boom.
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The NPN was formed as a coalition of various fractions; fractions that had roots in the regional process of accumulation which characterized the 1st Republic but had since significantly moved to Lagos, the new distribution centre of the “national cake.”
The point being made was not so much that regionalism had disappeared from the political landscape, but that it had been superseded by national exigencies. The legal and constitutional provisions for “federal character” that governed the political process of the 2nd Republic were a simple formal institutionalisation of shifts in the political economy and consequently in the structure of political power. It was the clarion call for all to come together in order that ALL in this class might partake of the “national cake.
Our learning from the politics of the Second Republic is that the NPN got many to decamp but the decampees lost the support of their constituents and could not deliver. Ondo State went up in flames over the imposition of Omoboriowo as governor and the election became the definition of election without credibility or legitimacy. It was a pyric victory for NPN as three months later, Major General Muhammadu Buhari announced his coup because the election was not free, fair and credible.
The founding fathers of the NPN systematically waxed a coalition from the segmented and disparate fractions that constituted the Nigerian political class. In the North, they were able to form what former party secretary, Uba Ahmed, described as a “victorious troika’ of political coalitions around Aliyu Makama Bida, deputy leader of the NPC, Aminu Kano, leader of the NEPU, and Joseph Tarka, leader of the UMBC, thus bringing together Northern ruling and opposition groups (except the Borno wing) into the National Movement, first phase in the formation of the NPN.
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With the North united as the most formidable base of the NPN, southern politicians from the South West, South East and Niger Delta were then integrated into what was presented as the winning team. Meanwhile, stringent conditions had been introduced into the Constitution to disallow the registration of parties that only had a regional base so the NPN was the “only” party that could dominate the political arena.
There was however an unsurmountable problem: the key leaders that joined the national movement – Awolowo, Azikiwe, Aminu Kano, Tarka, etc. – each had expectation of emerging as presidential candidate. They believed the NPC group had already had its turn in power and the time for rotation had come.
However, when they read the tea leaves, they realised that the party was firmly in the hands of its creators from the NPC cabal and all except Tarka left to set up their own parties.
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To the shock of the NPN, the new parties were successful in both getting registration and doing well in the 1979 elections.
To go back to the idea of setting up a “You Chop I Chop Party”, the idea does not work because there are simply not enough resources to give to everyone. NPN leaders who did not get ministerial and other appointments because the positions were given to NPP members that joined were bitter and were undermining the party from within. As more people from the opposition decamped to the NPN, more barons from within that had worked to build the party felt excluded and joined in undermining the party.
The NPN got only 168 seats in the House of Representatives, 36 in Senate and 7/19 governors. The UPN got 111 in the House, 28 Senators and 5/19 governors. NPP got 78 in the House, 16 in Senate and 3/19 governors. PRP got 47 in the House, 7 Senators and 2/19 governors while the GNPP got 43 in the House, 8 Senators and 2/19 governors.
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The NPN got very frightened of a “gang-up” of all the parties against it and turned to a strategy of killing the idea by setting up a government of national unity with the NPP. Within the two years of the government of national unity, the NPN convinced three NPP ministers to decamp – Chief Okoi, Prof Ishaya Audu and Ademola Thomas.
The NPN also encouraged the development of factions in the other four parties and were able to get the electoral commission, FEDECO, to recognise the NPN allied factions to finish all opposition and establish a one-party state.
When President Shehu Shagari made the famous Gboko Declaration in 1982, at the start of the campaign for the 1983 elections, he invited leaders of the other parties to decamp to the NPN, whose umbrella, he said, was wide enough to absorb the entire opposition.
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There was a massive backlash against the NPN and in the 1983 elections, they were performing worse than they did in 1979, and in panic, took the decision to massively rig the 1983 elections. The 1986 Babalakin Commission of Inquiry on the 1983 Elections stated in black and white that the NPN in collusion with the Nigerian Police Force, the National Security Organisation (NSO) and party thugs printed result sheets and substituted them with the ones that came from the collation centres. It was the NPN that invented rigging by declaration way back in 1983.
It is easy for parties in power to think that they control all the cards. As we have seen in the case of the NPN, there are other cards that can come into play.
Our learning from the politics of the Second Republic is that the NPN got many to decamp but the decampees lost the support of their constituents and could not deliver. Ondo State went up in flames over the imposition of Omoboriowo as governor and the election became the definition of election without credibility or legitimacy. It was a pyric victory for NPN as three months later, Major General Muhammadu Buhari announced his coup because the election was not free, fair and credible.
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To go back to the idea of setting up a “You Chop I Chop Party”, the idea does not work because there are simply not enough resources to give to everyone. NPN leaders who did not get ministerial and other appointments because the positions were given to NPP members that joined were bitter and were undermining the party from within. As more people from the opposition decamped to the NPN, more barons from within that had worked to build the party felt excluded and joined in undermining the party.
Even more important is the perception of ordinary citizens that the ruling party is both excessively corrupt and an unfair bully seeking to destabilise the legitimate aspirations of opposition parties to contest in a free and fair election.
It is easy for parties in power to think that they control all the cards. As we have seen in the case of the NPN, there are other cards that can come into play.
Ibrahim is a professor of Political Science and development consultant/expert, and Senior Fellow of the Centre for Democracy and Development. He is also the Chair of the Editorial Board of Abuja-based online newspaper, PREMIUM TIMES.
