IN A piece titled: “Ibrahim Traoré: Has Africa Found a Progressive Hero?“, Prof. Jibrin Ibrahim portrays a dual reality in Burkina Faso: the false and misleading social media illusion of high-rise public housing, agricultural transformation, and road construction, contrasted with the actual reality of spiralling violence, societal dislocation, and a gagged media and civil society.
Prof. Ibrahim’s deconstruction reduces Traoré from a hero to a dictator and a social media fraud. One can hardly resist commenting on some of the issues Ibrahim raises.
The standoff with ECOWAS led to an unexpected diplomatic feat: the formation of the Alliance of Sahel States (AES). Unfazed by French political chicanery and their notorious history of regime change in Africa, only courageous leaders could terminate military pacts with France and order its expulsion — a political novelty in post-colonial Françafrique.
Let us begin with social media. Who is responsible for the false social media narrative in Burkina Faso? According to Prof. Ibrahim, this infamous task falls on Wagner-funded social media influencers: Nathaniel Yamb and Kemi Seba. The hammer would have fallen on Cambridge Analytica had it not filed for bankruptcy and closed shop in 2018.
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These two activists — the alleged social media “demons” — were already known within Pan-African and anti-imperialist circles on the continent before 2022. Neither spared the French for their extractive banditry and toxic grip on what they patronizingly regard as Françafrique, even before Traoré’s rise. One might ask: On whose payroll were they then?
The French presence in Africa is a history of condescension, economic banditry, and regime change, justifying anti-French political activism to eradicate neo-colonialism from the continent. Even without Wagner, Traoré, Yamb, or Seba, anti-French sentiment in Africa would continue to grow.
The “guilt” of these social media influencers lies in their anti-French activism, their frequent appearances at Russia-Africa summits rather than France-Africa summits, and their support for patriotic African leaders genuinely concerned with the continent’s developmental crises.
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It is not uncommon for anti-imperialist and Pan-African activists and intellectuals to support regimes — democratic or otherwise — that advance political blueprints for national liberation. This same synergy led patriotic academics at the Ahmadu Bello University (ABU), Zaria, and other Nigerian universities to align with and support the Murtala-Obasanjo regime in the 1970s, just as it made them critical of later military dictatorships that kowtowed to non-African interests.
The Russia-Burkina Faso relationship finds a historical parallel in Soviet-Cuban relations. Facing a powerful imperial neighbour, Castro had to seek the Soviet Union’s protection to defend the Cuban Revolution. If that did not replace Spanish and American neo-colonialism with Soviet imperialism in Cuba, how could Russian imperialism supplant French neo-colonialism in Burkina Faso — especially amid rising anti-foreign domination sentiment in the Sahel?
Younger generations in Africa have never experienced a welfare state. So, who could be their hero under the existing neoliberal order? And what defines a hero?
Collins Dictionary describes a hero as “a person who has done something brave, new, or good, and who is therefore greatly admired by many.” Similarly, Cambridge Dictionary defines a hero as “a person admired for their bravery or great achievements.”
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The standoff with ECOWAS led to an unexpected diplomatic feat: the formation of the Alliance of Sahel States (AES). Unfazed by French political chicanery and their notorious history of regime change in Africa, only courageous leaders could terminate military pacts with France and order its expulsion — a political novelty in post-colonial Françafrique.
If we dismiss the propaganda of the obscure video company and the “fairy tales” of social media influencers, confronting the French could only be the work of progressive heroes.
As Prof. Ibrahim rightly notes, the fight against neo-colonialism should result in the autonomy of the liberated state, not the transfer of neo-colonial control to another power. However, a poor nation at odds with ECOWAS, severed from a vicious former colonial power, and besieged by unrelenting banditry cannot survive without a protective anchor — in this case, Russia, for Burkina Faso and its sister states. But does that make Russia another neo-colonial power in Africa?
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First, the former Soviet Union — Russia’s precursor — was not an imperial power. Second, beyond protecting its East European interests, Russia has no incentive to pursue imperial ambitions in Africa. Any such involvement would only hasten the demise of neo-colonialism, not escalate it. Third, with France’s retreat from the Sahel, Russia and other nations may strengthen economic ties with the region. But since when do such relations assume a neo-colonial character?
The Russia-Burkina Faso relationship finds a historical parallel in Soviet-Cuban relations. Facing a powerful imperial neighbour, Castro had to seek the Soviet Union’s protection to defend the Cuban Revolution. If that did not replace Spanish and American neo-colonialism with Soviet imperialism in Cuba, how could Russian imperialism supplant French neo-colonialism in Burkina Faso — especially amid rising anti-foreign domination sentiment in the Sahel?
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Younger Africans may not recognize the dangers of military vanguardism, knowing only the perils of democratic illiberalism. They may not discern which is the lesser evil. Those in Nigeria might not realize that, despite its political anachronism, military vanguardism saved the Nigerian state from disintegration, largely resolved its national question, and pursued a dynamic foreign policy that undeniably established Nigeria as Africa’s leader.
Since no one can impose a hero on another, Captain Traoré may not be Prof. Ibrahim’s hero — but many consider him theirs. It is unbrotherly for an African professor and one of the continent’s leading development consultants to condemn a passionate young captain grappling with governance challenges in a poor African nation. Traoré deserves encouragement, help, and prayers. Condemnation, however, is understandable if it comes from the French, their allies, and their consultants.
Captain Traoré may not have been invited to the United States, and he may lack the leverage to resist the IMF. Still, Prof. Ibrahim subtly implies that a U.S. state visit is an extraordinary achievement for the leader of a poverty-stricken African nation — and that rejecting IMF loans is unthinkable. This fetishization of the U.S. and the IMF is troubling.
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Traoré may not have delivered much to Burkina Faso yet. He may be distracted by insurgency and internal sabotage, and he may restrict the unchecked freedom of certain civil society groups — some of which are fronts for destabilization. Yet, interestingly, in nearly three years of power, Africans have heard no reports of self-enrichment by the Captain, his relatives, friends, or proxies. This incontestable demonstration of selfless public service, driven by political honesty to lift Burkina Faso out of crisis, has earned him the support, respect, and admiration of many.
Three weeks ago, Captain Traoré was honoured with the prestigious title of Grand Commander of Peace (GCOP) by the United Nations International Peace Governance Council (UNIPGC Africa) during the 14th Pan-African Leadership Symposium and Honours (PALESH) at NIIA Lagos.
The award recognized his exceptional leadership, outstanding performance, and transformational development in Burkina Faso. One might ask: Is this the same Traoré Prof. Ibrahim wrote about? He cannot be both the “lying Captain” and the social media hero. If he is the same, is Ibrahim’s depiction of Burkina Faso’s reality accurate?
Since no one can impose a hero on another, Captain Traoré may not be Prof. Ibrahim’s hero — but many consider him theirs. It is unbrotherly for an African professor and one of the continent’s leading development consultants to condemn a passionate young captain grappling with governance challenges in a poor African nation. Traoré deserves encouragement, help, and prayers. Condemnation, however, is understandable if it comes from the French, their allies, and their consultants.
Jahun, a public affairs commentator, writes from Dutse, Jigawa State capital. He can be reached at 07039038088.
