LAST night [Thursday], I called my former boss at the Centre for Democracy and Development (CDD), and mentor, Prof Jibrin Ibrahim, and he told me jokingly that he had written an article that would ‘demolish’ my support for Traore. He said he wrote it with me in mind, especially in the light of my recent conversation on AkweyaTV with fact-checker, Austin Aigbe, of the West Africa Democracy Solidarity Network (WADEMOS).
This afternoon [Friday], I read Professor Jibrin Ibrahim’s article, “Ibrahim Traoré: Has Africa Found A New Progressive Hero?”, and I must say my heart was thumping when reading it. I was wondering whether I would agree with his usually well-researched pieces or have no need to respond to my Oga. I always learn from him, whether in writings or just in a conversation. I still learnt from this one, but I noticed some things I want to comment on.
I believe that the existing governance processes in African countries show no roadmaps for making them truly independent. By repudiating the pact for the continuation of colonisation that the French have used to hold down African countries, Traore is setting Burkina Faso on the right path. He has brought the Burkinabe languages as national languages, and has introduced their own legal systems. These are the things I applaud him for. I do not believe in hero-worship, and I am not calling him another visionary, but the step he has taken can be said to be revolutionary as far as the opportunities it opens up for Burkinabes and Burkina Faso are concerned.
Agreed, I think Prof Jibo’s article is a nuanced critique of the Traoré phenomenon. He acknowledged the historical injustices perpetrated by France while simultaneously condemning the alleged disinformation campaign surrounding the Burkinabé leader. (Note the word ‘surrounding’.)
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A close examination of the article reveals a subtle yet significant imbalance in the articulation of these criticisms, as the article alleges that “a Russian propaganda video company” produces the materials about Traore. And because fact checkers and experts in the study of disinformation seem to have studied the phenomenon greatly and found nothing directly linking Traore to the campaign, it’s safe to say the accusations are circumstantial, as lawyers would say.
While Prof. Ibrahim correctly identifies France’s persistent neo-colonial practices, including the CFA franc and military interventions, I am of the view that he appears to downplay their severity. For example, he used the expression “vitriol” in reference to anti-French rhetoric. Vitriol is a strong word, capturing ill-feeling that is somewhat disproportionate or unfounded. I feel Prof Ibrahim is not acknowledging that that is a natural response to the decades of systemic exploitation and manipulation he referred to in his article.
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Should a citizen of the DR Congo be pleased with France for the years of exploitation of the country’s resources and despoliation of their land? To categorise this justified anger as mere “vitriol” is to diminish the lived experiences of millions under French influence.
The francophone African countries, through the Colonial Pact, or Metropolitan Commercial Exclusive, have dehumanised the citizens of these African countries, literally holding entire peoples in slavery. What then was the democracy being mouthed in these countries? If people are not economically free nor empowered, and they are unable to have control of their resources but were being allowed to cast ballots for France-determined candidates, was that freedom? And what is democracy in that context?
Moreover, the article’s focus on Traoré’s alleged disinformation campaign, while valid, appears disproportionate. That brings me to the word “surrounding” that I highlighted earlier. Is Traore guilty of disinformation or is there a ‘mill’ around him, perhaps by Russia, or those who may want to give a dog a bad name in order to roast it? If Cambridge Analytica was paid by the Trump campaign in 2016 and Trump won an election through the disinformation but that was and is still glossed over, why is the one that is evidently not sponsored by Traore a thing to condemn Traore for?
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Prof. Ibrahim acknowledges the historical collusion of African leaders like Eyadema and Compaoré in French machinations, including Sankara’s assassination, yet the weight of his condemnation falls heavily on Traoré’s supposed cult personality. In this and other articles, the assertion that Traoré is creating a ‘cult’ is presented as a fact, while evidence of his involvement is not offered.
It is crucial to recognise that the fight against neo-colonialism is not merely about replacing one external power with another. I agree with Prof Ibrahim on this. It is about achieving genuine autonomy and self-determination. However, the fight against neo-colonialism should not be used to gloss over the progressive actions of any leader, including Traore’s. Traore can become a tyrant tomorrow, or might even have become one already, but he has achieved what the existing political systems in many countries in Africa could not and cannot achieve. France would never free the ‘democratic’ process enough for any of its colonies to do what Traore and the AES leaders have already achieved.
As I said in my debate with Austin Aigbe on AkweyaTV, there are videos in which ‘Traore’ also denounced these AI manipulations. But these do not seem to count, my guest Austin said, because it was said in English and Traore does not speak English. Yet, all voiceovers eulogising Traore must be accepted as emerging from Burkinabe Captain’s desk!
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The anxieties expressed by American commanders regarding Burkina Faso’s mineral wealth and Traoré’s security warrant deeper scrutiny. Prof. Ibrahim dismisses the concern as if it is a normal reaction to the cost of protecting a head of state. However, any amount of resources dedicated to presidential security, especially in a nation (or continent) with a history of foreign-backed assassinations, suggests a legitimate fear of thwarted intervention.
Western nations’ track records of violent intervention, and the sheer volume of articles released within a single week against Traore, with key words such as “disinformation”, “cult” and “dictator” should raise suspicion.
Prof Ibrahim’s emphasis on Traore’s alleged lies and terrorising of his people is important, but it risks obscuring the larger context of historical and ongoing external interference. The very concept of “informational dominance,” as described by Prof. Ibrahim, applies not only to Traoré’s alleged propaganda but also to the decades-long campaign by Western powers to maintain their influence in Africa. Soon, that propaganda mill may define me as being one who is in a cult of Traore, but let me try to define where I belong.
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I believe that the existing governance processes in African countries show no roadmaps for making them truly independent. By repudiating the pact for the continuation of colonisation that the French have used to hold down African countries, Traore is setting Burkina Faso on the right path. He has brought the Burkinabe languages as national languages, and has introduced their own legal systems. These are the things I applaud him for. I do not believe in hero-worship, and I am not calling him another visionary, but the step he has taken can be said to be revolutionary as far as the opportunities it opens up for Burkinabes and Burkina Faso are concerned.
Having your language spoken for official transactions will boost morale, increase employment, and generally humanise local people’s who must have been considered uneducated and second-class because they could not contribute to national discourses in French. Now, they can be employed as interpreters, writers, authors, teachers, and many more.
ALSO READ: The Traore Vision: An Unforgivable ‘Crime’ To Neo-Imperialism; By Aminu Habibu Jahun
It is crucial to recognise that the fight against neo-colonialism is not merely about replacing one external power with another. I agree with Prof Ibrahim on this. It is about achieving genuine autonomy and self-determination. However, the fight against neo-colonialism should not be used to gloss over the progressive actions of any leader, including Traore’s. Traore can become a tyrant tomorrow, or might even have become one already, but he has achieved what the existing political systems in many countries in Africa could not and cannot achieve. France would never free the ‘democratic’ process enough for any of its colonies to do what Traore and the AES leaders have already achieved.
The fight for true liberation requires a clear-eyed assessment of all the actors involved, both internal and external. That’s what we should do as there are countries like Turkey, Israel and Saudi Arabia that have significant influence operations ongoing in our region.
Okenyodo is a development communication expert based in Abuja, and can be reached via email: okenyodo@gmail.com