ORWELL‘s Animal Farm satirises Marxist-Leninist societies, but could have been intended for political institutions in Nigeria. Illustratively, since its inception, the Akpabio-led 10th Senate was set to become Orwellian, with some senators more equal than others. This was brought succinctly by the denial of the right of opposition senators to elect their minority leader (it was imposed on them); reinforced by the suspension of Senator Ningi, and the embattled Kogi Central Senator, Mrs Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan.
In a peculiarly driven legislature, an ill-motivated move or act could assume a life of its own, generating bad blood in the system. The recent Natasha-Akpabio confrontation is laden with political, gender, familial and moral undertones.
Despite the importance of rules to organisations, there are times when unconditional resort to them is uncalled for. In exceptional situations, holistic application of rules could sway away justice. It is better to bend rules for justice to prevail than to rigidly apply them to deny justice. Since the Akpabio-Natasha case is exceptional, it would have been wiser for the Nigerian Senate to bend some of its rules, because the honour of both senators is at stake.
The past few weeks must have been traumatic for Senator Natasha, whose seat was changed; and after protesting, she was physically shoved out of the Senate Chamber. A few days later, her petition against Senator Akpabio was rejected on procedural ground. And a day later, she was arraigned and suspended in absentia by the Senate Committee on Ethics, Privileges and Public Petitions. Senator Natasha was treated as a sub-senator.
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The Kogi Central Senator resisted her movement to another seat as it would make her less visible and heard, impairing her legislative contributions in the red chamber. No Senator would succumb to a similar treatment, without some resistance. Not even Senator Imasuen, the Ethics Committee Chairman. He wouldn’t want to be reduced to an obscure legislative back bencher; a full senator reduced to senator by half. How would he explain the consequent sub-optimal legislative performance to his constituency? Shifting the burden to an unknown senator? He would rather fight and be seen to fight, because his fights aren’t personal, but political struggles on behalf of his constituency.
Was the Akpabio move intended to settle scores, or, was it done in good faith, but somehow went awry, becoming a conundrum for the Senate?
To settle scores, a bait was dangled to Natasha to swallow to become a senatorial mincemeat. Expectedly, she swallowed the bait, and refused to succumb to the change without a fight, thereby dancing to the intended music.
If it wasn’t a bait, why should she be the only senator to be moved from her seat to another? A general or minor adjustment of seats involving many or a few senators could have been tolerable.
The bait strategists didn’t reckon the nature of her reaction, and the can of worms that would thereby be unearthed. It was reported that her petition was spilt in the presence of visiting UK legislators, giving the event a foreign exposure.
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The visiting legislators would be wondering what type of democracy is ours, and what sort of legislative institutions operate in Nigeria. They might further wonder: Is Nigeria’s democracy really an offshoot of British-American democracy? A sexual harassment allegation in the British House of Commons, or the United States Congress, can’t be swept under the carpet, and if proved, would be a big political scandal which could surely bring the speakers down.
Natasha vehemently disagreed with her movement to an obscure corner of the senate chamber. But in the legislative anomaly and unassailable wisdom of the Senate President, he felt that she would best serve Kogi Central constituency by being less seen and heard in her new seat. But the snag is: Senator Akpabio doesn’t know where the shoes pinch for her constituency, and shouldn’t therefore define her legislative and political priorities. Ideally, he should assist and project her to realise them.
It is ironic that legislative institutions, supposed communities of collegial legislators, have increasingly become dictatorial. Despite the inherent equality of electoral constituencies and elected members, each accountable to his constituency, those of them imposed to preside over the legislative houses assume monstrous powers inimical to legislative empathy, freedom and performance. They weaponize their powers to emasculate and transform legislatures into shadows of what they ought to be. Minions are overburdened with mouth-watering responsibilities, whilst those out of favour are overwhelmed with onerous duties and bait-dangling plots.
If the move had been in good faith, the Senate President could have gone the extra mile to promote the three female senators, to excel and become legislative pacesetters to be showcased in Africa and beyond as the commitment of the Akpabio-led senate to affirmative action. Rather than moving Senator Natasha to an obscure seat, he could have moved her to a prominent seat vis-à-vis her legislative experience and gender.
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Economic, political and social organisations are rules-based. The Nigerian Senate used rules to arraign Senator Natasha before its Ethics Committee, to throw away its dead-on-arrival petition on sexual harassment, and to suspend her from the Senate.
Despite the importance of rules to organisations, there are times when unconditional resort to them is uncalled for. In exceptional situations, holistic application of rules could sway away justice. It is better to bend rules for justice to prevail than to rigidly apply them to deny justice. Since the Akpabio-Natasha case is exceptional, it would have been wiser for the Nigerian Senate to bend some of its rules, because the honour of both senators is at stake.
An aide to former President Goodluck Jonathan, Reno Omokri, accused Senator Natasha of falsely accusing him of sexual harassment in 2021. And the Amina Suleiman-led Northern Women Integrity Group also accused her of being cheap with sexual blackmail. It would have been better to relax the rules, appoint an ad hoc committee of opposition senators to deal with the case, to unearth whether the accusation is a pack of lies or not. This approach would have conveyed the impression that the Senate President is not above interrogation by the Senate, and that the Imaseun Ethics Committee isn’t his court martial arm.
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It is ironic that legislative institutions, supposed communities of collegial legislators, have increasingly become dictatorial. Despite the inherent equality of electoral constituencies and elected members, each accountable to his constituency, those of them imposed to preside over the legislative houses assume monstrous powers inimical to legislative empathy, freedom and performance. They weaponize their powers to emasculate and transform legislatures into shadows of what they ought to be. Minions are overburdened with mouth-watering responsibilities, whilst those out of favour are overwhelmed with onerous duties and bait-dangling plots.
The winner-pockets-all juicy posts in legislative institutions system is inimical to deepening democratic culture, accountability and inclusivity in new democracies. A periodic rotational leadership system within a legislative term, between ruling and opposition parties would minimise the impunity and dictatorship of the dominant parties imposed principal officers.
A complex interplay of a bait strategy, unfair deployment of rules to kill Natasha’s petition, letting the accused off legislative hooks, Senator Natasha’s arraignment and punishment, gender, marital status and party have transformed the Natasha-Akpabio confrontation into a political scandal: Nigeria’s Senategate.
Jahun, a commentator on public affairs, writes from Dutse, Jigawa State capital. He can be reached on 07039038088.
