THE RECENT public launch of IBB’s autobiography entitled: A Journey In Service, spiced with a Maradonic touch, pulled a crowd of those who have left, and those still leaving their marks on the historical evolution of our nation.
The book reminds the nation of the comfortable accommodation given by the regime to the global neoliberal establishment, and its Nigerian allies in the Nigerian economy, and revives interest in attempting to shift the guilt of the failure of its transition programme to elsewhere besides IBB.
After decisively countering major threats to his regime, which underscored his powerful grip on power, IBB patterned his regime to his dictatorial taste, dissolved and reconstituted the AFRC as he willed, proving that he was effectively in charge.
In the mastery of the political turf, IBB is a class in himself. He is to Nigerian military politics, what Abraham Lincoln was to American politics. The Evil Genius is foremost a soldier, and next a complex political persona, who consciously established an immense human network, neither exclusive to the shakers and movers of society, nor restricted to those down the social ladder, most of them belonging to the IBB political domain.
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Despite being regretful and accepting responsibility for annulling the 12th June election, many pundits pick holes in buck-passing the guilt elsewhere, arousing public outcry against the attempt.
If IBB could be accused of anything, no one could dare call him a weakling. Only a courageous middle level officer could get a bullet pumped into his body during the Civil War; a weakling would be far away from the war front. Only a brave colonel could overpower and get a deadly coupist like the late Col. Dimka out of a radio station; a weakling would chicken out. Only a courageous soldier like him, could be a participant in all successful military coups; a weakling, fearful for his life, wouldn’t. Far away from being a weakling, IBB’s military career was underscored by courageous acts.
After decisively countering major threats to his regime, which underscored his powerful grip on power, IBB patterned his regime to his dictatorial taste, dissolved and reconstituted the AFRC as he willed, proving that he was effectively in charge.
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With such a powerful grip on power, IBB can’t be said to be incapable, at any stage of his rule, to steer the ship of state to any coast he wanted. It is this which makes many commentators to kick against shifting the guilt of the annulment elsewhere, because he was the only player kicking the major shots in his administration.
Aborting his favourite political project was a major shot, which only the Evil Genius could kick. So, it is plausible that no one else could annul June 12th but him.
Partly, the outcry stems from the unavailability of the leader of the alleged cabal blamed for the annulment, and some of its principal members to defend themselves, as they are late.
Since Cookey’s political bureau was to recommend, and provide time sequences for the transition programme, nothing could prevent IBB from inserting some of the recommendations into convenient time sequences in order to shift it forward.
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As the 6th anniversary of the administration approached, a kite was flown that additional states would be created, which led to the demand for additional states, facilitating the creation of 9 more states on 27th August 1991, providing a platform to shift the transition forward.
The political vision to completely sever the old breed from politics, and eliminate the impact of moneybags in politics were at best idealistic; and at worst, booby traps to elongate the transition.
For the Evil Genius, the chickens came home to roost. IBB couldn’t handover to a new breed president; he couldn’t reproduce himself in power beyond August 1993. But, interestingly, he couldn’t step aside before creating a political context for the principal beneficiary of the transition programme to later emerge. That reinforced a widely held belief that the long transition programme was a musical chair’s power grab, which took off five months after IBB came to power, culminating in the 5-year Abacha junta.
IBB’s Maradonic transition agenda turned out to be a multipurpose train. First, its focus on a terminal date for disengaging the regime from power, stabilised and anchored the administration to an overarching political end, which kept in check restive military officers, who wanted a bite of the pie, and those uncomfortable with military incursion into politics.
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Secondly, the programme was a political opium which sedated the displaced civilian class out of power, turning their gaze on the terminal date of the programme, which to their chagrin kept changing.
Thirdly, the transition programme evolved its political economy to settle regime friends, cronies, critics, etc; as it induced massive public expenditure on establishing new states, commissions, agencies, population census, party conventions, primaries and elections.
Fourth, state creation exercises, and the establishment of additional public agencies expanded the scope of the regime to bring more civilians and middle level military officers into government, increasing their stake in stabilising the regime.
Fifthly, with the transition agenda, the regime enjoyed the confidence of the global promoters of democracy. And with its neoliberal subservience, it became a dependable ally, giving it more latitude to unhurriedly execute its non-political agenda without sanctions.
The transition programme failed to resonate with the political class, the democratic agitators, and factions of the military who felt that the integrity and honour of the military were rubbished by the Maradonic transition agenda.
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For the Evil Genius, the chickens came home to roost. IBB couldn’t handover to a new breed president; he couldn’t reproduce himself in power beyond August 1993. But, interestingly, he couldn’t step aside before creating a political context for the principal beneficiary of the transition programme to later emerge. That reinforced a widely held belief that the long transition programme was a musical chair’s power grab, which took off five months after IBB came to power, culminating in the 5-year Abacha junta.
Jahun, a commentator on public affairs, writes from Dutse, Jigawa State capital. He can be reached on 07039038088
