IN AS much as many have undertaken to speak on the ongoing political crises in the country centring on the future of electoral politics, I have decided to make basic clarifications. My preferred surgical tools are the Antecedent, Behaviour and Consequence (ABC) of what might, on the long run, endanger us all and, of course, condemn some to the dustbin of history.
Regrettably, some of those who have written on the issue, trying to mislead the populace, are my friends with whom we set out as young people to build a new country and world order based on peace, progress, development and social justice. These are otherwise intelligent people educated with the resources of the country but have for what appears to me as pecuniary reasons, decided to side with backwardness and retrogression. But I digress. Let me address the Nigerian populace, laying down basic facts so that their choices can be made in the collective interests of our country and the African people.
The process the INEC observed and endorsed was not that of individual resignations, but the constitutional dissolution of the entire ADC leadership and its replacement. So, except for non-legal or mischievous reasons, no member of a constitutionally dissolved executive can later claim he remains an officer of the party and should be the new leader. A court in response to this individual’s case, directed that the status quo should be maintained. Anyone with a modicum of intelligence should know that the status quo is as at the time the court case was initiated or at worse, before the dissolution of the old executive. But the Amupitan INEC intentionally misinterpreted this to mean the removal of the ADC leadership, leaving an organisation without any leadership. Even amongst anarchists, there must be leaders.
At the centre of the current political crisis is the African Democratic Congress (ADC) whose leadership was delisted in an April Fool move by the ‘Independent’ National Electoral Commission (INEC). The Commission, which was established as a non-partisan body, was not expected to be a tragi-comic organisation guilty of acts of commission and omission by an otherwise knowledgeable bunch of directors, parading an assortment of degrees, including PhD in Law.
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Some have blamed the ADC leaders for not registering an entirely new political party rather than adopting an existing one. My simple answer is: you do not admonish a hunch back to straighten up; if he could, he would have done so before you encounter him. The leaders of what turned out to be the ADC coalition tried to register a brand-new party but were denied. So, adopting the ADC was a fallback position. In doing so, as we now know, they were meticulous. They obeyed all the constitutional rules of the party and those of INEC, including inviting the latter to observe the processes which INEC fully endorsed.
The basic summary of the processes was that the ADC National Working Committee (NWC) had series of meetings, ending with a trinity of proposals to its National Executive Council (NEC). The first was to accept a wider coalition in which new members would be infused and the ADC would become the central opposition party.
Secondly, that the NWC be dissolved and a new Caretaker Committee established to run the party. Thirdly, that the NEC, using its constitutional powers, should waive the provision that the new entrants should spend two years as members before being eligible to be officers of the party. All three proposals were put without any counter motion, and adopted by the party NEC meeting of July 29, 2025 at the New Chelsea Hotel, Abuja.
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The INEC, which was procedurally invited to the NEC meeting, attended, was satisfied that all known constitutional and electoral rules were complied with. On that basis, INEC granted institutional recognition to the new ADC leadership which comprised Senator David Mark as Chairman, Ogbeni Rauf Aregbesola as National Secretary and a fusion of the old leadership and new leaders as the NWC Caretaker Committee.
So, when a former official of the party later claimed he did not resign his position and that since other officials, including the former Chairman, Ralph Okey Nwosu, had resigned, he should be recognised as the authentic Chairman of the party, any educated person, least of all, a law Professor like Joash Amupitan who heads the INEC, should, but for mischief, know that the character is delusional.
There must be functional opposition. When the United Kingdom provides public funding, called “Short Money” for opposition parties to take care of their administrative and research costs, it is not because it is insane. When that country pays opposition parties 22,853 pounds for each seat they occupy and additional funds per 200 votes, it is conscious that without strong opposition, its democracy is doomed.
The process the INEC observed and endorsed was not that of individual resignations, but the constitutional dissolution of the entire ADC leadership and its replacement. So, except for non-legal or mischievous reasons, no member of a constitutionally dissolved executive can later claim he remains an officer of the party and should be the new leader. A court in response to this individual’s case, directed that the status quo should be maintained. Anyone with a modicum of intelligence should know that the status quo is as at the time the court case was initiated or at worse, before the dissolution of the old executive. But the Amupitan INEC intentionally misinterpreted this to mean the removal of the ADC leadership, leaving an organisation without any leadership. Even amongst anarchists, there must be leaders.
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The obvious beneficiary of this conscious illogicality is the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC). I have read praises of the APC leaders as “political strategists” for trying to destroy the opposition before the January 2027 general elections.
But I think such people are not well-informed because the ultimate “political strategist’ in our history, the tyrant, General Sani Abacha, ended up in the dustbin of history. He had deceived the political class that his November 17, 1993 coup was to merely restore the June 12, 1993 presidential victory of Chief Moshood Kashimawo Abiola. Rather than do so, Abacha imprisoned Abiola. He promised that with his coup, civilian administrators would be appointed to run the states. Instead, he appointed military administrators. Then he said the Deputy State Administrators would be civilians. He never appointed a single one.
He then promised a democratic transition and established five political parties. He ended up being the sole candidate of all the parties. But his coronation never took place; he died unsung.
The lesson for us all is to allow political plurality and freedom of choice. For our collective good and the future of our country, we must preserve and make institutions functional. These should include the legislature, judiciary and electoral commission.
There must be functional opposition. When the United Kingdom provides public funding, called “Short Money” for opposition parties to take care of their administrative and research costs, it is not because it is insane. When that country pays opposition parties 22,853 pounds for each seat they occupy and additional funds per 200 votes, it is conscious that without strong opposition, its democracy is doomed.
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If the ADC is endangered just because it is an opposition party, our democracy is endangered. Our fundamental right to freedom of association will be endangered.
As a former labour leader both in Nigeria and Africa, I am painfully aware that the establishment of trade unions and workers organisations and their well-being is based on the right to associate.
Section 40 of the Nigeria Constitution states explicitly: “Every person shall be entitled to assemble freely and associate with other persons, and in particular he may form or belong to any political party, trade union or any other association for the protection of his interests”.
If this is compromised, we are all compromised.
