PROFESSOR Jibril Muhammed Aminu, formerly known as Aminu Song, passed away on June 5, 2025. May his great soul find eternal rest. It was with deep sorrow the ruling elites rose in unison praising his undeniable academic brilliance.
True, the demise of a member of any group reminds the rest that despite whatever acquisitions made, they are mere mortals.
The Presidency described the late cardiologist as one of the country’s most decorated medical professionals who “straddled his profession and politics exceptionally, bringing erudition and brilliance to statecraft”.
When the Professor, said to be a professional mentor of Aminu, arrived, he had a query waiting for him. Angered that there was a lack of empathy, he tore the query and took the next flight back to Lagos. His exit threatened the medicine programme and the pioneer students of the faculty were told they could not take their final examinations. They took their case to the Students Union with Paul Zadok, later the Hamman of Bachama, as President.
Vice President Kashim Shettima claimed Aminu was “the last of the great titans, an iconic figure, who enormously contributed to the development of the nation… He is irreplaceable.”
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Former Vice President, Atiku Abubakar, wrote that his contributions in medicine, academia and “the growth of democracy in Nigeria remain legendary, and his demise a huge loss to humanity”
Ex-Senate President Bukola Saraki described him as “a rare kind of public servant, one who brought excellence and purpose to every role he held”.
One-time National Chairman of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), Chief Olabode George, posited that Aminu was: “A man of great intellect and integrity, whose service to humanity and Nigeria, inspired generations.”
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The tributaries of tributes continue to flow from various sources, but they are, essentially, a single narration, and a different interpretation of his role is possible.
For instance, he came to national attention in 1978 when as the Secretary of the Nigerian University Commission (NUC) he announced astronomical per cent increases in feeding and accommodation fees across all universities. This announcement led to the April 1978 Students Uprising in which students, school children and some other Nigerians were shot dead. The argument could be that he was ‘merely doing his job’. But even at that he showed no empathy.
One argument could be that he was serving in a military dictatorship, and therefore had no choice but to follow orders. However, when five years later, the country was under constitutional order and he was fully in charge of a tertiary institution as the Vice Chancellor of the University of Maiduguri (UNIMAID), the Supreme Court found he was intolerant, dictatorial, dismissive of basic rules and procedures, excessive in reaction and arbitrary in handling grievances. This was to the extent of denying about five hundred students he accused of crimes, including arson, fair hearing.
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The crises in the university began in January 1983 when a Professor of Medicine who was virtually in charge of the new School of Medicine, was late in resumption from the Christmas break due to the well-known epileptic flight schedules from Lagos.
When the Professor, said to be a professional mentor of Aminu, arrived, he had a query waiting for him. Angered that there was a lack of empathy, he tore the query and took the next flight back to Lagos. His exit threatened the medicine programme and the pioneer students of the faculty were told they could not take their final examinations. They took their case to the Students Union with Paul Zadok, later the Hamman of Bachama, as President.
The union tried to persuade Aminu to reach some understanding with the Professor so the medical students would not lose the session, he refused. So, the students in solidarity with their colleagues in Medicine decided to boycott classes.
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On February 2, 1983, the student union called a rally on the issue. The leaders lost control, and tidal waves of students swept through the houses of the Vice Chancellor, Deputy Vice Chancellors, Registrar, bookshop and staff club, damaging property.
An enraged Aminu described the incident as a carefully planned but hurriedly executed insurrection. He claimed some 500 students out of the 4,000-student population were guilty. This number was later scaled down to an alleged core of 100 students.
Names were compiled, investigation panel headed by one of the victims established, and the Senate convened. All the 4,000 students were surcharged, and 29 of them, including the union leadership, were expelled. They were found guilty of wilful destruction, arson, looting and assault.
The students went to the High Court of Justice of Borno State where Justice Adagun set aside the disciplinary measures. The basis was that the students were not given fair hearing, including the right to cross examine any witness, or for their alibi to be checked out.
There are also encomiums showered on Aminu for serving the country as Education and then, Petroleum Minister for three years from 1989, and in the 1994 National Conference. However, there are those that can point out that these are in the service of the brutal military regimes of Babangida and Abacha which ousted the jurisdiction of the courts, were anti-democracy and sought to perpetuate themselves in power.
aThe university proceeded to the Appeal Court before Nasir, Akanbi, Agbaje, Ogundare and Abdullahi, JJ.C.A. The Appeal Court, while agreeing with the High Court that the students were not given fair hearing, however, ruled that the lower court ought to have referred the matter back to the university to correct itself.
The students, with Chief Gani Fawehinmi handling their case pro bono, headed for the Supreme Court before Obaseki, Eso, Nnamani, Uwais, Coker, Kawu, Oputa JJ.S.C.
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The Supreme Court found that the university grossly violated the fundamental rights of the students and ruled that: “Government functionaries, be they legislative, executive, or judicial, cannot act in contravention of such rights and if the rights are to be taken away, it is the Constitution itself which has to be amended.”
Secondly, that the: “Disciplinary Board into which the Senate at its meeting was constituted did not investigate the matter or conduct any inquiry of its own… It never satisfied itself that the appellants were guilty of the offences charged before proceeding to impose the punishment.”
Thirdly, that: “Guilt in criminal matters is left for the ascertainment of courts of law or other tribunals before it is accepted and acted upon by Administrative Tribunals.”
Also, that since the students were accused of destroying university property under the institution’s authorities: “The vice-chancellor and other officers are vital witnesses and cannot be a judge in their own cause. It is also the law that a visitor cannot be a judge in his own cause.” So, the Supreme Court ruled in favour of the students and they returned to their studies.
There are also encomiums showered on Aminu for serving the country as Education and then, Petroleum Minister for three years from 1989, and in the 1994 National Conference. However, there are those that can point out that these are in the service of the brutal military regimes of Babangida and Abacha which ousted the jurisdiction of the courts, were anti-democracy and sought to perpetuate themselves in power.
In the post-military era, he was appointed Ambassador to the United States by President Olusegun Obasanjo that he had served in the 1970s when the latter was a military dictator. He was also a two term Senator.
People have the fundamental right to assess Aminu from their perspectives. All I pray is that God Almighty forgives him his short comings. Ameen.
