AS NIGERIA‘s earlier attempts at democratic rule were short-lived, it is unfortunate that rather than the rough edge of its democracy be smoothened, and consolidated in its Fourth Republic; so far its longest democratic project, the commissions and omissions of its governors, occupants of the second most strategic political layer in the nation, have begotten a governance anomaly; with a grotesque political mismanagement template, which could be a Frankenstein monster to Nigeria’s democracy.
Not even when he was a ‘reluctant’ military head of state, did Gen Olusegun Obasanjo bestride the political environment, the way he did as a democratic president. He created for himself the post of party leader, which was then unknown to the Peoples Democratic Party; he changed Senate presidents and House speakers as he wanted; he reserved for himself the ministership of petroleum resources; which has become the abnormal norm for Nigerian presidents; he declared a state of emergency in 2004 in Plateau State, sacked Governor Dariye, appointed late Gen Chris Alli as military administrator; and dissolved the Plateau State House of Assembly; and for about four years withheld Lagos State local government funds.
This putrid democratic by-product is partly rooted in the economy, which doesn’t generate enough trickle-down effects to the people, and partly rooted in the selfish deployment of quasi absolute powers by Nigerian governors, which materially diminish Nigerians.
If, as is usually said, absolute power corrupts absolutely, then quasi absolute powers should also corrupt slightly less, which is injurious for the sustenance of democracy. A descent to the use of quasi absolute powers by politicians indicates a slip towards autocracy. That is why such powers are foreign to the constitutions of democracies including Nigeria, in which non-absolute powers are diffused to different political actors with specific, overlapping, or residual responsibilities in the political system.
Despite the low practical value of absolute powers, the welders of quasi absolute powers strive to move along the power continuum to the point of unrestrained powers; the domain of dictators, and democratic despots. The incongruence of such powers to democracies is illustrated by a democratic autocrat in an old democracy, the former American president, who is the leading Republican presidential aspirant, Mr Donald Trump, who tried to overturn President Biden’s victory in the last American election; and the strongest democratic president Nigeria ever had, Olusegun Obasanjo, an unusual democrat in a young democracy, who sought for an unconstitutional third term, demonstrated their unusual love for unrestrained powers.
When politicians crave for unrestrained powers, then democracy is under siege; not by its traditional nemesis: the military, but by the democratic traitors within the democratic communities.
Nigerian governors are adept at the use of quasi absolute powers at subnational levels, which reinforces the political ego to dominate the local politics, and exert considerable impact on national politics, which has produced an abnormal governance and a grotesque political mismanagement template: governorcrisis, engendered by the political idiosyncrasies, behavioural dispositions and attitudes of Nigerian governors, which propel democratic rule away from the people, and give it an insular gubernatorial character, which place it on a self-serving, and self-destructive trajectory.
As highlighted earlier, governorcrisis is partly rooted in the Nigerian economy, which is hugely disconnected from the Nigerian people. Besides its captivity to the chaotic Nigerian market, the economy is under the unusual grip of extra market interests, who unleash unnecessary hardships on Nigerians, and unusually transform politics into the base on which a superstructure of economics, and culture thrive; an adept operationalisation of seek first the political kingdom upon which the others will follow; which has made the politicians very powerful, and engendered a peculiarly Nigerian political mess.
The grotesque ultra-political dominance facilitated by the political dispositions of Nigerian governors emasculates internal party democracy, and retards the political capacity of the rank-and-file members of their parties, which doesn’t provide room for individual political growth; as ordinary party members don’t freely elect their party executives, delegates to conventions, etc.
Governorcrisis was given impetus by Nigeria’s former president’s military style politics, who unusually dominated the political space from 1999 to 2007.
Not even when he was a ‘reluctant’ military head of state, did Gen Olusegun Obasanjo bestride the political environment, the way he did as a democratic president. He created for himself the post of party leader, which was then unknown to the Peoples Democratic Party; he changed Senate presidents and House speakers as he wanted; he reserved for himself the ministership of petroleum resources; which has become the abnormal norm for Nigerian presidents; he declared a state of emergency in 2004 in Plateau State, sacked Governor Dariye, appointed late Gen Chris Alli as military administrator; and dissolved the Plateau State House of Assembly; and for about four years withheld Lagos State local government funds.
As Commander in Chief, he left no one in doubt about the locus of power, when he ordered the destruction of Odi in 1999 and Zaki Biam in 2001. He used nolle prosequi to save his nephew, Julius Makanjoula, a former permanent secretary of the Ministry of Defence from criminal prosecution; and unleashed the anticorruption agencies on his political enemies. With the Maurice Iwus for a penny, he compromised Nigeria’s electoral commission, and imposed a reluctant, but, well-meaning president on Nigerians. It was only in Atiku Abubakar, his vice president, the now late Ghali Na’Abba, former speaker House of Representatives, and a few members of the restive political community, did he find hard nuts to crack, who helped to nip in the bud his tenure elongation.
The Machiavellian spirited governors could have marvelled at how a dispirited individual, rehabilitated by the political miscalculations of the dominant faction of the Northern power elites, overcame the complex of a condemned man, and became, so far, the most powerful president in Nigeria, who is a perfect model to the unusual democrats at the states, for the effective use of political powers to different ends. Inspired by him, Nigerian governors ascribed to themselves the unconstitutional post of party leaders at subnational levels; engineered the changes of speakers of state houses of assembly, who fell out of gubernatorial favour.
Not unlike him, they impose their Maurice Iwus to oversee the subnational electoral commissions; who impose chosen candidates as elected ones. And unlike him, some of them, like Yahaya Bello, who is alleged to have lifted funds from the coffers of Kogi State for upfront payment of the fees of his sons in an elitist school, whilst the majority of Kogi children attend dilapidated dysfunctional public schools, underscore a monumental lack of concern with the plight of the people.
The grotesque ultra-political dominance facilitated by the political dispositions of Nigerian governors emasculates internal party democracy, and retards the political capacity of the rank-and-file members of their parties, which doesn’t provide room for individual political growth; as ordinary party members don’t freely elect their party executives, delegates to conventions, etc.
The systemic erosion of democratic accountability from Nigeria’s political culture, has facilitated an-after-election-to- hell- with-the- people disposition by elected politicians. If Nigeria’s democracy is to endure, no category of political office holders should be too powerful to suffocate the polity.
It is only the political cronies of the governors, who are chosen into various political offices; whilst the rank and file members ratify the choices with an insulting pretence at internal party democracy. And at party conventions, the delegates strictly abide by the do’s and don’ts of the governors, as gratitude for their selection as party delegates.
The alleged looting of N2.187 trillion by 58 former governors, and the allegation against Yahaya Bello, immediate past governor of Kogi State, who is alleged to have looted N80 billion, underscore the self-destructive nature of governorcrisis in Nigeria.
The systemic erosion of democratic accountability from Nigeria’s political culture, has facilitated an-after-election-to- hell- with-the- people disposition by elected politicians. If Nigeria’s democracy is to endure, no category of political office holders should be too powerful to suffocate the polity.
The constitutional immunity for the president and governors, which gives them latitude to project unrestrained powers anyhow, should be removed. The recall procedures of governors should be less cumbersome, to enable voters easily recall any underperforming governor. And the extra market forces who dominate the Nigerian economy should lessen their grip on it, and let the economy positively engage vulnerable Nigerians, or else it would induce a negative impact on democratic sustainability.
Jahun, a commentator on public affairs, is based in Dutse, Jigawa State. He can be reached via email @: aminuhabibu58@gmai.com
