SEGUN Sango started to rebel against the system of capitalism early in life. He started on this cause as a young law student at the University of Ife (now Obafemi Awolowo University) where he joined a radical student group – Alliance of Progressive Students.
Segun Sango had to battle with the effect of the accident for the rest of his life. Their programme was to make NANS a democratic and mass movement of students not limited to the universities, but including other tertiary institutions. This could hardly be achieved in the one year that they were to serve. But it was achieved many years later by the Labour Militant (later Democratic Socialist Movement) students’ group. The base of NANS activities was broadened further than ever before and democracy, as guiding principle of the organisation, was made to work.
This distinguished itself as both a study group as well as being interventionist in the struggles of students. The group adopted Marxist philosophy as a means of understanding the world in order to change it. The group had scores to settle with the school authorities, state and other students’ groups that stood to defend the status quo.
The University of Ife was noted for its struggles. Not a few times students’ struggles extended to other parts of the country from that place. No wonder, the Ali-Must-Go protest of 1978 that extended to all nooks and cranny of the country found fertile ground there. This was also the case with the 1980 protest against Ile Ife community for the ritual killing of one of their members. This was the kind of tradition Segun Sango who was from that community met on the ground and was baptized into the radical student movement. He dutifully found common cause with this tradition and later became one of its leading devotees.
His activism as a student reached its peak when one of the members of their political group, Lanre Arogundade, became the president of National Association of Nigerian Students (NANS). Sango threw himself into the cause of this students’ movement. He and two other members of the group that included Lanre Arogundade and Muyiwa Osunkoya (now Adebanjo) were the three that could said have provided leadership for the regime that had a history of splendid achievements.
Shortly before the regime, NANS issued a charter of demands in 1982 that others were expected to follow. The charter summarised what students were fighting for. The students confronted the new military regime, led by Buhari-Idiagbon, that attempted to increase school fees. The trio went round the entire universities and other tertiary institutions across the country to mobilise students to fight such anti-poor policies. They were saved by providence to survive the fatal accident they had in one of the trips embarked upon while on this cause.
Segun Sango had to battle with the effect of the accident for the rest of his life. Their programme was to make NANS a democratic and mass movement of students not limited to the universities, but including other tertiary institutions. This could hardly be achieved in the one year that they were to serve. But it was achieved many years later by the Labour Militant (later Democratic Socialist Movement) students’ group. The base of NANS activities was broadened further than ever before and democracy, as guiding principle of the organisation, was made to work.
I came in contact with these three student comrades in a meeting of the Alliance of Democratic Rights held at Comrade Ola Oni’s residence. They attended to discuss the programme of the students with this new initiative of the socially committed academics representing different groups in the West but rooted throughout the country.
This was the beginning of the long relationship that they later had with the group led by Comrade Ola Oni. They later joined the group and became active in its Lagos section being led by Femi Aborisade. This section already had contacts with the Militant Tendency in Britain through Femi Aborisade and G. G. Darah, while the former was the Education Officer with NLC. The tradition of this Trotskyite group in Britain impacted tremendously in the work of the organisation.
The struggle took a new turn as pressure mounted on the government to end its political transition that was becoming unnecessarily delayed. The presidential election held on June 12, 1993 to round up the transition produced a clear winner in the person of MKO Abiola who defeated his only rival, Bashir Tofa. Then the government annulled the election.
One important thing that distinguished the Ola Oni group from others was its orientation towards the working class as they had influence in some of the unions. The very place this successfully played out was in Lagos. The work being reported by the Lagos section at meetings was a source of encouragement to me personally and influenced me in no little way in trying to follow their footsteps, as I then worked as a full time organiser for the organisation in its Ibadan headquarters.
Femi Aborisade utilised his position in the NLC to attract Marxist scholars drawn from various campuses in the country as facilitators in the series of educational programmes being organised to raise the consciousness of the rank and file workers. Not a few of such workers became the leaders of the respective unions years later. Some of the militant ones were also drawn to the Socialist Workers Party, the group led by Ola Oni.
Activities of the organisation became noticeable and could not be ignored in the labour movement. One of its members, Peter Asamba, became the president of his Union – the Footwear, Leather and Rubber Workers’ Union and the National Treasurer of NLC. The influence of the organisation on the rank and file workers was a source of hostility against the group by the labour bureaucrats, itself driven by Stalinist ideology. This reached a climax when they fired Femi from his position without any benefits.
The Lagos section, upon separation from SWP, constituted itself into a new group known as Labour Militant and this was used to defend NLC when it was dissolved by the military government of Ibrahim Babangida. Femi Aborisade was detained for eight months as editor of Labour Militant leading the campaign against the government’s interference in NLC activities.
It was at this time that the leadership of the organisation passed on to Segun Sango. This was the period that the campaign against military rule had thickened. The effects of the government’s anti-poor Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP) was devastating working people. So the labour movement was united in supporting the floating of a political party to provide an alternative to the traditional political parties. Labour Militant became active in both Lagos and Ondo states in the activities of this Labour Party.
The government was threatened by this unity of purpose exhibited by the combined forces of radical scholars, students and organised labour. It had to disband all political associations seeking registration. Instead it created two political parties – the Social Democratic Party (SDP) and the National Republican Party (NRC). These were fully funded by the government and operated like other government departments. They were guided by government imposed manifestoes and ideologies of “a little to the left” and “a little to the right”.
The transition did not work in accordance with the regime’s plan. Before dissolving the parties, the Political Bureau set up by the regime to aggregate the opinions of the people reported that the people were calling for socialism and a welfare state that would be able to take care of their various needs.
The role of Labour Militant became profound here in leading the struggle for the termination of military rule and the Babangida regime in particular. The campaign that the organisation launched to this effect was carried out across the country simultaneously at the same hour. People living in Lagos, Kano, Jos, Abuja, Ibadan, Akure, Ilorin, Benin, Port Harcourt, Enugu, Onitsha, only woke up to the reality of posters on the streets/bridges marked with the request: “GO-IBB-GO, YOU HAVE DESTROYED THE NATION”.
Regular leaflets were issued during the period that conspicuously crossed the pictures of the military juntas – Babangida and Abacha – at different times. Some members of the organisation across the country became victims of this cause as they were arrested and detained with or without being charged to court.
The struggle took a new turn as pressure mounted on the government to end its political transition that was becoming unnecessarily delayed. The presidential election held on June 12, 1993 to round up the transition produced a clear winner in the person of MKO Abiola who defeated his only rival, Bashir Tofa. Then the government annulled the election.
This action on the part of the government was like setting fire to an oil well. Tension engulfed the entire country and peace became difficult for the next six years. The power of the people was therefore being tested on the streets of Lagos. Labour Militant and its members responded to the challenges that the occasion demanded even when underground. The fight back was fundamentally carried out by civil society groups and the labour movement.
The first initiative, was a meeting of the Campaign for Democracy. Two Labour Militant members argued for mobilizing for a protest, rather than a mere candle light protest suggested by others. The success of the first march that attracted thousands of protesters was a boost for the movement. It motivated and encouraged the people in their subsequent rallies, workers strikes and protests.
The organisation became open in 1998 with a new name, the Democratic Socialist Movement. Segun Sango became its first Secretary General. He distinguished himself as a leader in moving the organisation forward. He was very courageous. Nothing was enough to threaten him from following his conscience and mission. In the present language, he could best be described as a motivational speaker. He served in no little way as a motivation to even unwilling listeners. His temperament was one of unusual adaptation to any situation as he exhibited a flair for recruiting new members to the organisation and in sustaining old hands. He always prepared for meetings of the organisation as if he was going for examination.
The official position occupied by Ayodele Akele as a labour leader in Lagos State and member of Labour Militant allowed the organisation to intervene in the movement. This in no little way strengthened the organisation and the struggle. Both students and workers were mobilised as active participants in the movement by the group.
The organisation also played an important role in fighting against Buba Marwa and Bola Tinubu led Lagos State Governments that did not want to pay workers the minimum wage offered in other richer states of the Federation.
On the political level, there emerged some other organisations to drive the process further. These included Campaign for Democracy, United Action for Democracy, National Conscience Party (NCP) and the Joint Action Committee of Nigeria. The organisation led by Segun Sango played bountiful roles in all of these as a pioneer member. Segun, for instance, was the chair of NCP in Lagos State while other members of the organisation dominated offices of the party at the national level. It was like the NCP depended on Labour Militant for its leadership just like NCNC depended on the Zikist movement in the 1940s.
The organisation became open in 1998 with a new name, the Democratic Socialist Movement. Segun Sango became its first Secretary General. He distinguished himself as a leader in moving the organisation forward. He was very courageous. Nothing was enough to threaten him from following his conscience and mission. In the present language, he could best be described as a motivational speaker. He served in no little way as a motivation to even unwilling listeners. His temperament was one of unusual adaptation to any situation as he exhibited a flair for recruiting new members to the organisation and in sustaining old hands. He always prepared for meetings of the organisation as if he was going for examination.
He was well versed in Marxist ideas and helped to pass these to others, new or old. He never had a dull moment as he was always busy playing one role or the other, in advancing the struggle. He wrote for the organisation’s tabloid, studied, appeared on television for interviews, participated in symposia, attended meetings of the organisation regularly or that of its affiliates. He also represented clients on the basis of the struggle in court. He created time to relax and for social interaction. So he was an embodiment of activism to change society along socialist lines.
It could be said that Segun Sango has done his own bit while leaving the rest of us to carry on the struggle from where he stopped.
Comrade Olamosu, National Secretary, Socialist Labour, writes from Abuja.
