NO MATTER what illiberal democrats may do, they can’t sever democracy from public protests. This is because the powers of democracy don’t flow from unusual sources (might, inheritance, weird ideologies, etc.). Unlike the unusual-power-source’s regimes, a democratic regime shouldn’t disallow public protests, because it derives its mandate from the people. If it doesn’t encourage them to protest against oppressive policies, it shouldn’t infringe on the right of citizens to protest, because they reflect the mood of society.
Since the Nigerian red chamber isn’t a fortified ground for senators to voice the plight of the people, which led to the recent stripping of Senator Ndume of his principal leadership position, then how should the mood of society be gauged by government, if not through protests, since appeals to, and dialogues with it have been ineffective?
When a democratic regime runs from pillar to post stifling public protests, something is amiss: it has acquired the traits of illiberal democracy, distancing itself from the people; or about to do so. Any claim by such a regime to being democratic is deceitful, since it is afraid of a realistic gauge of societal mood, through public protests and strikes.
The prelude to protests and strikes include: appeals to and dialogues with government to reconsider obnoxious policies by individuals and interest groups (labour unions, student bodies, etc.); and legislative activism by the political representatives of the people.
Protests and strikes are the last cards, deployed when all other means have been ineffectively exhausted to redress the grievances of the people.
The close relationship between the different branches of government, which bind them together with a self-serving chord makes legislative activism under powerful executive presidents ineffective.
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Notwithstanding the fact that governments drive policies, which facilitate public protests and strikes; they always discern conspiracies, and plots embedded in them; and blame all but themselves, when the people vent their displeasure with policies through public protests.
If the post-Soviet Russians had remained reddish, Kenyan authorities would have seen a red plot in the recent occupy the streets protests by Kenyan youths. And the recent calls for public protests in Nigeria would have elicited a condemnation of Moscow or Cuba.
Let’s use Nigeria to illustrate how a government makes public protests and strikes inevitable. Rather than fix its critical economic infrastructure (the refineries) which doesn’t resonate well with the vested interests, which for decades have been rupturing the veins of Nigerian economy; rather than stultify corruption to an end, which could have lessened the theft of public funds to improve lives and security; and rather than being mindful of the toxic effects of a high debt profile to the economy; and the embedded IMF debt management template, the government prioritises increased foreign debts to meet its obligations. Whilst the fallouts of these debts crush the remnants of the Nigerian welfare state, which makes life harsher and unbearable for most Nigerians, engendering the recent calls for public protests.
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Since 29th May, 2023 when fuel subsidy was abolished, the attendant consequences include unbearable inflationary pressures – massive rise in the prices of foodstuffs, transport fares, rents, etc. The insecurity which has prevented farming in the food baskets of Northern Nigeria reinforced the rising cost of foodstuffs, and widespread inability to feed families, and a climate of fear. Whilst the economy is comatose the business of government is conducted in such away as if the economy is buoyant, distributing economic pains inequitably, which fuels the displeasure of people.
The perception of protests differs between the two regions. Whilst the south has a vibrant culture of expressing discontents through public protests, the religious factor has downplayed protests against political leaders in the Muslim territories of Northern Nigeria. And the dashed hope of the average Northerner due to the failure of the preceding administration to contain insecurity, corruption, revamp the economy, and improve their lives left them in a stupor, from which a lot of them are yet to recover, losing faith in government.
Since the Nigerian red chamber isn’t a fortified ground for senators to voice the plight of the people, which led to the recent stripping of Senator Ndume of his principal leadership position, then how should the mood of society be gauged by government, if not through protests, since appeals to, and dialogues with it have been ineffective?
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The freedom of citizens to express disagreements with unpalatable policies is inseparable from democracy. In the United States, aggrieved Americans protest within the vicinity of the White House; as the French protest near the Élysée Palace; as the English do so not far from the Whitehall.
In Nigeria, the initiative for public protests has shifted from the labour unions to various interest groups. The labour unions are suspected of being behind-the-scene beneficiaries of each public protest, trading off the demands of the people with personal benefits. In their place have arisen the Ulama (Islamic Clerics), who recently awash the social media with calls for, and against public protests. Like the unionists, some of the Ulama have soft pedalled on public protests. They might have ridden the same horse rode by the unionists, after their meeting with government on the issue.
With the Ulama reluctant to lead public protests against high cost of living, Mr Peter Obi, has picked up the gauntlet, to lead national protests. Whether it is a continuation of the 2023 political battle, as alleged by Bayo Onanuga or not will be difficult to decipher. As it was difficult to decipher whether Muhammad Buhari was genuinely protesting when he led a protest against fuel price increase; or he used it as a cover to continue venting his bitterness over the victory of the then president, Goodluck Jonathan in the election.
If the grievances of Nigerians are timely addressed; and if they perceive that those in government share similar pains during economic downturns, there would be less calls and agitations for public protests and strikes. Rather than the government being apprehensive of public protests, it should regard them as a realistic gauge of societal mood, which would help it smoothen the rough edges of its policies that are unpalatable to the people, and guide it in policy articulation.
Like everything Nigerian, public protests have become woven around the regional rivalries in the nation. Despite the failure of the Buhari regime, there was no major protest in Northern Nigeria. This is mischievously regarded as a protective cover around a Northern president, which has facilitated a perception in some quarters, that no matter the difficulties the nation is undergoing, there shouldn’t be a national protest against this regime.
It baffles one that those who in the past held the nation captive to series of protests and strikes over June 12th, increases in petroleum prices, etc, should regionalise national protests.
The perception of protests differs between the two regions. Whilst the south has a vibrant culture of expressing discontents through public protests, the religious factor has downplayed protests against political leaders in the Muslim territories of Northern Nigeria. And the dashed hope of the average Northerner due to the failure of the preceding administration to contain insecurity, corruption, revamp the economy, and improve their lives left them in a stupor, from which a lot of them are yet to recover, losing faith in government.
If the grievances of Nigerians are timely addressed; and if they perceive that those in government share similar pains during economic downturns, there would be less calls and agitations for public protests and strikes. Rather than the government being apprehensive of public protests, it should regard them as a realistic gauge of societal mood, which would help it smoothen the rough edges of its policies that are unpalatable to the people, and guide it in policy articulation.
Jahun, a commentator on public affairs, writes from Dutse, Jigawa State Capital. He writes this column every Wednesday under the title: ‘The Other Perspective’. He can be reached via email aminuhabibu58@gmail.com, or WhatsApp: +234 703 903 8088
