MOZAMBIQUE, a former Portuguese colony alongside Guinea-Bissau and Angola, gained its independence in the 1970s, after a decade of armed struggle led by the Front for the Liberation of Mozambique (FRELIMO). Samora Machel, the leader of FRELIMO, spearheaded the guerrilla struggle, backed by the Soviet Union. The Carnation Revolution in Portugal and the overthrow of the Salazar dictatorship played a catalytic role on the way for Mozambique independence. Once in power, FRELIMO proceeded to implement wide nationalisations and a set of left-leaning economic policies. This provoked the initiation of a bloody civil war with the emergence of RENAMO (Mozambique National Resistance), an anti-communist rebel group backed by Rhodesia (now Zimbabwe) and apartheid South Africa, which lasted until 1992.
Samora Machel governed Mozambique for over a decade before dying in a questionable plane crash in 1986. Soon after that, FRELIMO signed agreements with the IMF and World Bank, marking the transition to a market-driven economy. The government introduced the Economic Rehabilitation Program under IMF guidance, which included privatizations, austerity programs, currency devaluation and trade liberalization.
The leaderships of many liberation movements established centralized, authoritarian rule, preventing democratic accountability. These leaders see themselves as “eternal liberators” who must remain in power indefinitely. Fearful of losing control, they tighten their grip on security forces and electoral commissions, manipulating elections to maintain dominance.
Many national liberation movements in Africa, while starting from a left-wing background, were ultimately co-opted by imperialist institutions and implemented capitalist policies. In Mozambique, despite the country’s wealth in natural resources, the FRELIMO regime could not deliver broad economic benefits for workers and the general population. Instead, mismanagement and corruption prevailed and have ensured that power remains concentrated in the hands of the few. These factors have contributed to the country’s political crisis.
Mozambique’s Post-Election Crisis
The October 9, 2024, general elections in Mozambique were marred by allegations of widespread fraud and irregularities. The ruling party, FRELIMO, declared its candidate, Daniel Chapo, the winner with over 70% of the vote, but opposition parties, particularly PODEMOS (a spin-off from FRELIMO) and RENAMO, rejected the results. Opposition leader Venâncio Mondlane of PODEMOS claimed victory based on a parallel vote count, while international observers reported vote tampering and result manipulation. Despite legal challenges, Mozambique’s Constitutional Council upheld the results, deepening political tensions and unrest.
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Following the announcement of the election results, violent protests erupted in several towns, claiming the lives of some 350 people, including around two dozen minors. Approximately 750 people have been wounded by gunshots during protests, according to media reports. This crisis has forced thousands of Mozambicans to flee their homes. Further displacement and suffering have been caused by Cyclone Chido and Cyclone Dikeledi, which have left a trail of destruction across northern Mozambique since December.
Zimbabwean President Emmerson Mnangagwa, himself accused of election fraud over the years, prematurely congratulated President Chapo on his “resounding victory” even before the final results were announced. Mnangagwa leads ZANU-PF, another former liberation movement that took power after a bloody struggle against British colonial rule and has established a military regime.
The post-election crisis has added to the ongoing devastating crises in the country.
Since 2017, armed groups have been launching attacks on towns and villages in Cabo Delgado, forcing over 1 million people to flee their homes. Initially, many sought refuge in safer areas within the province, such as Pemba, Metuge, and Montepuez. However, recurring waves of violence have continued to displace families.
To achieve genuine democracy based on socialist ideals, workers and youth must come together to build a political alternative rooted in the interests of the working class. Such an alternative must be based on genuine Marxist principles and the lessons of past examples of struggle. It must combat corruption, dismantle elite dominance, and promote social ownership of the means of production- the only way to achieve a just social order.
The 2016 hidden debt scandal, in which government officials secretly borrowed over $2 billion, led to economic collapse. Like many African nations, Mozambique remains plagued by widespread poverty, especially in rural areas.
The Pitfalls of Liberation Movements in Power across Africa
There is a certain leitmotif in the course that military leaders of liberation movements in Africa took. After using radical and left-leaning phraseology to gather support, they established vicious military regimes.
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The fear of new coups and civil unrest leads to crackdowns on critics and restrictions on political liberties, effectively silencing opposition. Former liberation leaders become entrenched elites, using state power for personal enrichment and the accumulation of wealth.
The leaderships of many liberation movements established centralized, authoritarian rule, preventing democratic accountability. These leaders see themselves as “eternal liberators” who must remain in power indefinitely. Fearful of losing control, they tighten their grip on security forces and electoral commissions, manipulating elections to maintain dominance.
The dissatisfaction by these dynamics has triggered fresh rebellions and resistance movements.
Key examples include the Zimbabwe African National Union – Patriotic Front, People’s Movement for the Liberation of Angola, Eritrea’s People’s Front for Democracy and Justice, Uganda’s National Resistance Movement, Algeria’s National Liberation Front, South West Africa People’s Organization in Namibia, and the Botswana Democratic Party.
FRELIMO, like all the above examples, has followed this pattern, transforming into a dominant ruling party that suppresses opposition and implements neoliberal policies.
Mozambique Needs a Socialist Change
Like many African countries that have endured bloody liberation struggles against colonialism, Mozambique faces a deep economic and political crisis. However, meaningful change will not come from the Mozambique Liberation Front (FRELIMO), the Mozambican National Resistance (RENAMO), or the newly formed Optimist Party for the Development of Mozambique (PODEMOS).
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Last year, after negotiations on working conditions collapsed due to government unwillingness, a strike by approximately 50,000 members of the Association of United Health Professionals of Mozambique (APSUSM) led to the collapse of hospitals, which resulted in around 1,000 unnecessary deaths. Similarly, the Union of Civil Servants in Mozambique (SINAFP) went on strike to demand their rightful 13th-month salary, which the new government refused to pay. Despite the weaknesses of Mozambique’s main labor center, rank-and-file unions have taken the lead in the struggle for survival and improved working conditions. This demonstrates that workers can organize themselves into a formidable force capable of challenging the capitalist politicians who have devastated the country.
To achieve genuine democracy based on socialist ideals, workers and youth must come together to build a political alternative rooted in the interests of the working class. Such an alternative must be based on genuine Marxist principles and the lessons of past examples of struggle. It must combat corruption, dismantle elite dominance, and promote social ownership of the means of production- the only way to achieve a just social order.
Only by following this path can the people of Mozambique achieve lasting peace and use its abundant resources to meet the needs of all its people.
