AT THE inception of the 4th Republic in 1999 after the tormenting struggles by the prodemocracy movement against the military rule, the new political elite came under the scrutiny of the microscopic lens of vigilant Nigerian press that sought for impeccable politicians to drive the new political administrations rather than having not good for nothing politicians replacing the military dictatorship of the old that share common banners of corruption, oppression, and exploitation against the people.
Among the politicians that came forth to participate in the new government were those that could not in any way be differentiated from what Abacha-Babangida stood for but rather stooges of the military to do their biddings.
Not long thereafter the inauguration of the National Assembly, the presiding officers of both houses in persons of Evans Enwerem and Salisu Buhari of the Senate and House of Representatives respectively were found guilty in the opinion of the people that felt not being the deserving leaders they required. Both were levied and guilty of such allegations as fraudulent misrepresentation of their identity, procuring of ‘Oluwole’ certificates, false claim of schools never attended and false declaration of age. It is alarming to note that these were done on disposition to affidavits made on oath.
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The human right community and the press in unison raged against those politicians and called for their resignation from the National Assembly and as the presiding officers. While Enwerem managed to retain his seat at the Senate but lost his position as the presiding officer, Buhari was not that lucky as he lost everything but apologized to the nation and called for mercy before stepping out of the National Assembly for infringing on the principle of utmost good faith that his conducts caused the nation.
This first step in testing the principle and practice of democracy emanating from below was a landmarks in the potential of what vibrant press and public opinion could achieve in the polity like it is the case in other climes. This was against the background of prodemocracy movement that had taken a decade to transit from military to civil rule. This also had its attendant advantage of strengthening the confidence of the movement in achieving greater heights.
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The vigilance was not restricted to the government at the centre only. In Lagos State, the new governor in person of Bola Tinubu was alleged of the same offence including misrepresentation of his age, primary school and university attended. He claimed to have attended Government College, Ibadan and University of Chicago for his high school and tertiary institution respectively. The name he bore as a toddler did not correspond with the one he now bears as an adult. Not only this, he was alleged of being involved in drug business which caused his bank account where drug money was laundered to be confiscated. The discrepancy in his particulars worth being scrutinized to get the truth of the matter like it was the case with Enwerem and Salisu Buhari before it.
Gani Fawehinmi became vociferous in championing the cause of getting to the root of the matter; while the press and the NGOs were recalcitrant to do so. The State House of Assembly waded into the matter in order to save him in the hands of Gani Fawehinmi. This was not unusual as the legislative house was dominated by one party, Alliance for Democracy. The intervention of the House was therefore out to cover-up the certificate forgery and other allegations against the person of Bola Tinubu. This is understandable from this quarters as most members of the Assembly held their positions at the instance of the governor and they were therefore expected to reciprocate in turn with unflinching loyalty at all circumstances.
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The situation at the National Assembly was a bit different and made possible against the interest of the extant president, Olusegun Obasanjo, that gave both officers in the national assembly his support but for the pluralistic nature of the national assembly that comprised strong opposition parties – All Peoples Party and Alliance for Democracy as against that of the ruling party, People Democratic Party, a cover up was made difficult and impossible.
On the understanding that no good result would come from the Lagos State House of Assembly on the matter, Gani Fawehinmi had to expound the scope of the fight to involve the police that has the constitutional responsibilities to investigate on any matter of fraud and criminality. This he commenced by writing a petition to the Inspector General of Police and informed his office that he has a duty to investigate Bola Tinubu, the governor of Lagos State over the allegations made against him despite his privileges of being covered by immunity, the very reason he could not be tried for any form of crime while in office. Tinubu and his cohorts were caught napping by the approach of Gani.
Before long Senator Afikuyomi showed up at Gani Fawehinmi’s Chambers to confess that the errors in Tinubu’s affidavit came from him as he filled the form on his behalf and therefore pleaded for forgiveness from Gani.
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It was at this juncture that the character of what comprised the hitherto outspoken Nigerian press and human rights activists became exposed. They came like angry flood in greater speed and strength to challenge Gani and in defence of Tinubu. Not a few theories were propounded to establish why Gani should be snubbed by Nigerians on the alleged fraud committed by Bola Tinubu and his accomplices. They in turn mopped up some allegations against Gani too in trivializing and neutralizing the importance of the issue at stake.
An important figure in the human rights community in person of Beko Ransom-Kuti led the attack against Gani and in the defence of Tinubu, Beko claimed that “Gani is not a Saint that he claims to be.” He brought out the old rumour that had hitherto been committed to the dustbin of history on the issue that the #6million naira raised to save Gani’s properties from being confiscated while the government led by Babangida was after him for holding ground in the defence of Dele Giwa that was assassinated by letter bomb. Gani, the defending lawyer therefore turned round being the accused as he was tried for making false allegation against Akilu and Togun, the duo that were fingered as perpetrators of the dastardly act. They earlier got judgment against Gani before this was later overturned at the higher court on appeal.
One other allegation against Gani was his role upon the aftermath of the second republic in supporting Buhari-Idiagbon military government to try politicians for corruption. This was another issue already trashed out that confirmed the concern of Gani in his advocacy against corruption and the excuse by his constituency, NBA to dissuade him doing this on the basis of this being carried out by the military failed to persuade him. Gani felt otherwise and argued that NBA was trying to defend their professional colleagues in politics and involved in the act of corruption as not a few of them were in politics.
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Beko further reiterated how the National Conscience Party was formed in 1994 by Gani on failing to convince the Campaign for Democracy led by Beko to transform itself into a political party of his dream. If anything, Gani was supposed to be praised for this position as CD would have been more relevant in accomplishing its objectives by transforming into a political party for power at that stage rather than limiting itself to being a pressure group and not ready to go beyond that. Beko was not alone in the defence of Bola Tinubu. Behind him he had the backing of some other prominent human rights activists and journalists and they included Femi Falana, Olisa Agbakoba, Fred Agbaje, Dele Adesina, Nurudeen Ogbara, Richard Akinola, Soji Omotunde, Bolaji Akinyemi, etc.
A writer like Soji Omotunde put the whole saga into perspective in defending Tinubu and this betrayed the opportunism of his supporters. In his article, he pointed out that: “If Tinubu had accepted that errors were made, not necessarily in bid to gain advantage over his competitors for the office of governor; and the Lagos State House of Assembly has found him fit to continue in office, and the people of Lagos State who elected him, are not interested in getting him out yet, who then could a crusader (as Gani) be representing?”
He further stated that: “Governor Tinubu might have perjured, and so what? President Bill Clinton perjured over the Monica Lewinsky affair.” “If Tinubu is riding the storm against the fancy of his adversaries that might as well be the reward for his past activism against evil. Like it or not, the man shot himself to the forefront of those who campaigned against the evil of thwarting the legitimate wishes of the people as expressed on June 12, 1993. To now expect those who struggled along with him to buckle and turn against him because he has sinned and because they need to make those who once supported atrocity happy is a wishful thinking. It is simply realistic that Tinubu’s moment of trial is when he needs his true friends most. Why then blame Afenifere or the radical wing of the media for not helping to roast a colleague in trauma?”
The position of the supporters of Gani on the side of the divide was readily represented by the position of Olumide Fusika who is of the opinion that the issue at stake on the Tinubu question “is about setting standard for public office holders. That is what the issue is all about and it is unfortunate that people refuse to understand it from that perspective.”
Nigerians would have been saved the calamity that Bola Tinubu represents today as president if he had been sacrificed over his misdemeanours in 1999. The unprincipled support he received from some of the critical minds in the country then rather than checking him, it rather motivated him on the path of travesty as he believes there is nothing money cannot buy. So, Nigeria is being defined today in the image of Tinubu that stands for anything short of truth and justice.
Comrade Olamosu is of the Centre for Social Policy and Labour Research, Dugbe, Ibadan. He can be reached via +2348175109802