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Home»Columnist»What The Kano Political Violence Reveals About Nigeria’s Democracy; By Lawan Musa Danlami
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What The Kano Political Violence Reveals About Nigeria’s Democracy; By Lawan Musa Danlami

National RecordBy National RecordMay 7, 2026Updated:May 7, 2026No Comments8 Mins Read
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THE RECENT swearing-in of the deputy governor in Kano State has once again exposed the deep cracks in Kano politics. Reports that at least five people were feared dead during clashes involving supporters of the same political party have shocked many Nigerians and renewed concerns about the dangerous nature of political competition in the country. If members of one political party can turn violently against themselves over candidates and internal power struggles, then what should Nigerians expect when rival opposition parties confront one another during major elections?

The painful reality is that ordinary citizens are often the victims of these political battles. Politicians struggle for positions and influence, yet it is the common people who lose their lives, suffer injuries, destroy their futures, and live in fear. Many young people who participate in political violence are unemployed or economically vulnerable citizens who are recruited and manipulated by politicians for temporary financial rewards.

Another important issue raised by the Kano violence is the role of poverty and unemployment. Many young people involved in political violence are victims of social and economic neglect. Nigeria has one of the largest youth populations in the world, but millions of young people remain unemployed or underemployed. Without economic opportunities, some become vulnerable to recruitment by politicians.

This raises difficult but necessary questions. When will ordinary citizens begin to value their own lives above politics? When will commoners learn to reject violence and refuse to be used as tools by desperate politicians? These questions are central to understanding not only the recent violence in Kano, but the wider crisis of Nigerian democracy.

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Political violence in Nigeria is not new. From the First Republic to the present democratic era, competition for political office has often been associated with intimidation, riots, assassinations, and electoral conflict. Scholars such as Claude Ake argued that politics in many African states became a “do-or-die affair” because political power is closely tied to economic survival and access to state resources. In societies where governments control enormous wealth while poverty remains widespread, political office becomes more than public service — it becomes access to privilege, contracts, influence, and protection.

This observation helps explain why political conflicts in Nigeria frequently become violent. Many politicians see losing elections not simply as losing a contest, but as losing economic power and social relevance. As a result, they mobilize supporters aggressively, often encouraging divisions and hostility even among members of the same party.

The Kano incident is particularly troubling because it demonstrates that violence is no longer limited to opposition politics. Even within the same political organization, factions are willing to attack one another over disagreements related to candidates, appointments, or influence. This suggests that many political parties in Nigeria are not built on ideology or shared principles, but on temporary alliances around personalities and power blocs.

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Political scientist Richard Joseph described Nigerian politics through the concept of “prebendalism,” where political offices are treated as opportunities for personal enrichment and patronage. In such a system, loyalty is often driven by access to benefits rather than commitment to democratic ideals. This creates fierce competition because those excluded from power fear economic marginalization.

The consequences of this political culture are devastating for ordinary citizens. Across Nigeria, political violence has repeatedly destroyed families and communities. During elections, it is usually poor youths who are mobilized as political thugs. They are given money, drugs, motorcycles, or promises of employment in exchange for participating in intimidation or attacks against rivals. Yet once elections end, many of these youths are abandoned by the same politicians who used them.

The late Kenyan scholar Ali Mazrui once warned that Africa’s greatest political tragedy is not simply poor leadership, but the normalization of violence in political culture. When violence becomes accepted as part of politics, societies begin to lose respect for human life and democratic values. Unfortunately, Nigeria continues to struggle with this dangerous normalization.

In Kano and many other parts of the country, citizens have become so accustomed to political clashes that news of deaths during political events no longer produces the national outrage it deserves. This normalization is deeply dangerous because it weakens democratic institutions and encourages further violence. Democracy cannot survive where political disagreement constantly leads to bloodshed.

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Another important issue raised by the Kano violence is the role of poverty and unemployment. Many young people involved in political violence are victims of social and economic neglect. Nigeria has one of the largest youth populations in the world, but millions of young people remain unemployed or underemployed. Without economic opportunities, some become vulnerable to recruitment by politicians.

Until citizens begin to value their lives above partisan loyalty, until politicians are held accountable for sponsoring violence, and until democratic institutions become stronger than individual ambitions, political violence will continue to threaten Nigeria’s future. The challenge before Nigerians is therefore not merely to win elections, but to build a political culture where power can change hands without fear, hatred, or bloodshed.

This reflects the argument of Brazilian educator Paulo Freire, who believed that oppressed populations can easily become instruments of elite manipulation when they lack political consciousness and critical education. Citizens who are economically desperate may prioritize immediate financial gain over long-term social stability.

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Political education therefore becomes essential. Citizens must understand that politicians often manipulate ethnic, religious, and party loyalties to protect their own interests. Ordinary people who fight and die for politicians are rarely rewarded with improved living conditions. Roads remain poor, unemployment remains high, healthcare remains inadequate, and education remains underfunded even after violent political victories.

Religious and traditional leaders also have an important role to play in reducing political violence. In northern Nigeria especially, these institutions hold enormous moral influence within communities. They must consistently speak against political thuggery and remind citizens that no political ambition is greater than the sanctity of human life.

The media too carries a heavy responsibility. Sensational political reporting can sometimes inflame tensions, while responsible journalism can encourage peace and accountability. Journalists must continue exposing those who sponsor violence rather than focusing only on the youths who carry it out. Too often, poor young people are arrested while the political elites who finance violence escape accountability.

Security agencies must also improve their response to political violence. Nigerians frequently complain that perpetrators are rarely punished, especially when they have political connections. This culture of impunity encourages repetition. When politicians and their supporters believe they can organize violence without consequences, democracy becomes increasingly fragile.

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The famous political thinker Frantz Fanon warned that societies marked by deep inequality often experience recurring cycles of violence because citizens feel excluded from meaningful participation in national life. Nigeria’s political tensions cannot therefore be separated from broader issues of poverty, corruption, unemployment, and weak institutions.

The tragedy in Kano should therefore not be seen as an isolated incident. It reflects wider structural problems within Nigerian politics and democracy. Political parties remain weak institutions dominated by powerful individuals rather than ideology. Elections are still treated as warfare rather than civic competition. Citizens continue to suffer because politics is pursued without moral restraint.

Yet there is still hope for change. Across Nigeria, many young citizens are becoming more politically aware and demanding issue-based politics instead of violent loyalty to politicians. Civil society organizations, student groups, trade unions, and community activists continue to advocate peaceful participation and democratic accountability.

For democracy to survive and mature in Nigeria, citizens must reject the culture of political violence completely. No politician deserves blind loyalty at the cost of human life. Political parties may split today and reconcile tomorrow, but the families of those killed in political violence remain permanently scarred by loss.

Ultimately, democracy is not only about elections or political offices; it is about protecting human dignity, encouraging peaceful disagreement, and ensuring that power serves society rather than destroys it. The bloodshed in Kano serves as a painful reminder that Nigeria still has a long journey toward achieving that democratic ideal.

Until citizens begin to value their lives above partisan loyalty, until politicians are held accountable for sponsoring violence, and until democratic institutions become stronger than individual ambitions, political violence will continue to threaten Nigeria’s future. The challenge before Nigerians is therefore not merely to win elections, but to build a political culture where power can change hands without fear, hatred, or bloodshed.

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