FIERCER political competition has transformed opposition politics into a highly cooperative affair, driven by the desperation of ruling parties to crush opposition parties, and unfairly entrench themselves in power.
Unfair use of incumbency powers, exclusive governance style, intraparty power struggles, transactional politics, and a weird political psychology, have produced species of political oppositionists, each with its oppositional template for the 2027 battle.
The PDP may outlive Mr Nyesome Wike, but before he leaves the party, he may inflict sufficient damage to it, rendering it oppositionally unfit for the 2027 elections. A deformed party could hardly be the oppositional arrowhead of coalition 2027.
The defeat of the PDP in 2015, prematurely exposed it to the vagaries of an unprepared out-of-office party. Becoming the concubine of its financiers, it had to abruptly abandon its zoning policy to accommodate their presidential ambition in 2023, facilitating its longest post primaries crisis. That was the political context giving rise to the pseudo opposition group.
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Retaining the membership of the party, the pseudo oppositionists work 24/7 to destroy the PDP, rendering it oppositionally impotent. They personalise political opposition, changing its focus from fighting a ruling party to collaborating with it. The group is membered by the G5 political musketeers, and their surrogates in the party organs.
Like the pseudo group, the conservative group’s membership is largely drawn from the PDP, and its distinctive traits are that neither intraparty provocations, nor disintegrative fissures would make members of the group to move to another party. Most of them project their longevity in the party as evidence of principled politics.
The group’s template on political opposition is that the biggest party should be the oppositional arrowhead of the 2027 coalition. And if not, each party should go its own way to individually engage the ruling party in the elections.
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This view glosses over the fact that in an inequitable political terrain, political opposition is advanced by pooling oppositional resources together, not by frittering them anyhow. And it is difficult for an opposition party, including the biggest one, to individually pull enough votes to defeat a ruling party in elections.
The PDP may outlive Mr Nyesome Wike, but before he leaves the party, he may inflict sufficient damage to it, rendering it oppositionally unfit for the 2027 elections. A deformed party could hardly be the oppositional arrowhead of coalition 2027.
The kith and kin of PDP’s conservative group in other parties, insist that their candidates shouldn’t sacrifice their presidential ambition in the interests of the larger opposition community. This dovetails into the agenda of the pseudo oppositionists and the ruling party.
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The hybrid group is an oppositional crossroads between the conservative and the realist groups, a political den of oppositional middle roaders.
The oppositional template of the group is: since members of the group are transfixed to their parties on political principles, that doesn’t prevent them from collaborating with the opposition coalition, to oust the ruling party from power in 2027.The oppositional hybrids have one of their legs in their parties, and the others in the ADC.
The transactional oppositionists in smaller parties fritter oppositional resources away, indirectly but knowingly serving the interests of the ruling party.
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The point of departure for the realist group is that in an abnormal political context, opposition is more effective by pooling political resources together, which enhances oppositional management and efficiency.
There are different perspectives and agendas shaping the 2027 oppositional coalition. Canalising this diversity to a strategic oppositional weapon could be done by moving the coalition to a higher level. Reducing the oppositional spheres of the conservative, pseudo and the transactional oppositionists, and enlarging the oppositional clout of the hybrid and realist opposition groups would take the opposition coalition to a higher level by conserving oppositional resources rather than inefficiently frittering them away.
Since majority of Nigerian parties share ideological and other attributes, should any of them suffer from monstrous deformities – loss of governance focus, kowtowing to external interests and centrifugal pressures – it becomes a cog in the wheel of progress for the opposition. Realist oppositionists wouldn’t hesitate to dump it for a more oppositionally competitive party.
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This trajectory exposes realist oppositionists to accusations of lack of political principles, and vaunting political ambition. But are they politically unprincipled or are they politically pragmatic?
The dynamics of opposition politics deplete oppositionists from the conservative group to the hybrid and realist opposition groups.
Adamu Maina Waziri exited the conservative opposition group, and not satisfied with the hybrid opposition formula one leg in one party another party – has fully pitched his tent with the political arrowhead of the opposition coalition. A few days ago, he announced his defection from the PDP to the ADC in Gashua, Yobe state.
There are different perspectives and agendas shaping the 2027 oppositional coalition. Canalising this diversity to a strategic oppositional weapon could be done by moving the coalition to a higher level. Reducing the oppositional spheres of the conservative, pseudo and the transactional oppositionists, and enlarging the oppositional clout of the hybrid and realist opposition groups would take the opposition coalition to a higher level by conserving oppositional resources rather than inefficiently frittering them away.
Jahun is a public affairs analyst. He writes from Dutse, Jigawa State capital. He can be reached on 07039038088.


