THOUGH Nigeria is not fighting a conventional war, it however seems as if the nation would implode anytime. Not even Ukraine, which is fighting a war of attrition with Russia, seems inwardly vulnerable as Nigeria, which has been afflicted with unjustifiable separatism.
Since Isaac Adaka Boro’s Niger Delta Volunteer Force began its 12-day secessionist offensive in February 1966, the spectre of separatism is still potent in Nigeria. Though Boro realised the futility of separatism, recanted his actions, and fought against Biafra in the Nigerian Civil War, almost six decades later, some forces are still bent on dismembering the Nigerian State.
The prevailing economic and political regime alienates majority of Nigerians, with an insular democracy, captured by a plunderous political class, who elevate personal interests over national interests; regard national patrimony as personal till, transforming democracy into a monstrous civilian dictatorship, emasculating the nation with the economic prescriptions of the IMF and the World Bank.
During the 76th session of the United Nations General Assembly, Nigerian separatist groups, occupied the precincts of the United Nations, chanting the inglorious song of secession. Thereafter, another separatist group, the Nigerian Indigenous Nationalities Alliance For Self Determination (NINAS), recrafted the nation’s map, reflecting its dream: excising, what they call Sharia States, from Nigeria, echoing the song sung by the Gideon Orkar coupists in 1990. And recently, a Yoruba separatist group submitted a petition to the British Prime Minister on the dissolution of Nigeria, which was turned down as unwarranted interference in the affairs of a sovereign nation.
Does the economic and political reality justify the transformation of Nigeria into a flawed behemoth ceaselessly attacked by potential secessionists? If the reality justifies the attacks, then who should be blamed? And is dismembering the nation a way out?
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Nigeria’s prosecution of the Biafran War; its instrumentality in the formation of ECOWAS; and setting the OAU (now AU) on a fearless trajectory, unmindful of whose ox was gored, projected it as a promising developing nation. Nigerians highly identified with the anti-corruption crusade, and the economistic diplomacy of the ’70s, which reinforced the liberatory struggles in Central and Southern Africa. Consequently, Nigerians rallied round their developmental state, a Father Christmas, which made life more abundant.
Therefore, in the crucial decades (’60s and ’70s), Nigeria bestowed an identity on its citizens, most Africans would wish to have. Its citizenship was a sort of political privilege, which made Nigerians special Africans.
The specialness of Nigerians derived from three sources: first, despite the engagements of Western powers to dismember the nation, Nigeria remained undivided after its Civil War. Secondly, it was only an extraordinary African State, led by an extraordinary Head of State (the late General Murtala Muhammed), who could use an extraordinary summit, to extraordinarily plummet the mightiest president in the world. Third, due to its anti-imperialist credentials, Nigeria earned the status of a frontline state in the decolonisation struggles of some African countries.
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It would be unpalatable for Nigerian leaders to point out that the glorious days during which Nigeria aggressively asserted itself in the global arena, and its citizens proudly brandished their identity anywhere, coincided with the reign of a caring state, piloted by patriotic civilian and military regimes. Despite being capitalistic, the economy afforded poor Nigerians the opportunity to fend for themselves. The state propped the emergent capitalist class through nationalisation, privatisation and other measures, and it didn’t abandon the poor, like the neoliberal state piloted by the APC-led government, with an expansive subsidy regime and living wages.
If the Biafra project is resuscitated because the Igbos are subjugated in Nigeria, their wide tentacles and dominance in specific businesses across the nation don’t lend credence to any subjugation. They may have a political grudge, but having collapsed most of the bridges across ethnic and regional barriers; and the manner some of their political appointees brazenly favour their brethren in MDAs; and despite the fact that the Igbos feel at home in all Nigerian states, the South East is an uninhabitable enclave for some ethnic groups, send wrong signals of a foretaste of an Igbo presidency in Nigeria.
The prevailing economic and political regime alienates majority of Nigerians, with an insular democracy, captured by a plunderous political class, who elevate personal interests over national interests; regard national patrimony as personal till, transforming democracy into a monstrous civilian dictatorship, emasculating the nation with the economic prescriptions of the IMF and the World Bank.
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Prioritising the precepts of IMF and the World Bank over the wellbeing of Nigerians has, regretfully, pushed the nation into a cul-de-sac. Whilst the rulers have commandeered the economy, the neoliberal virus in their blood has dampened their compassion and empathy for the poor, who have been left with nothing but their eyes to weep with.
The politicisation of Boko Haram, the refusal to contain the insurgency, and the rural banditry in the North West and North Central, alienated a lot of people, which could have induced separatist tendencies.
The decadence of the ruling classes in disintegrated empires such as the Ottoman Empire, USSR, etc, widened the divide between the rulers and their subjects/citizens, which helped to fuel centrifugal tendencies. By whatever criteria the decadence of a ruling class is established (personalising the state, flamboyant lifestyles and tastes, unjustifiable expenditures for personal comfort, zero compassion and empathy for the poor, etc.), the 4th Republic has produced the most decadent ruling classes in Nigerian history.
Sunday Igboho, the Yoruba separatist, who has been spearheading the agitation for the establishment of an independent nation for the Yoruba ethnic group, which is neither politically, culturally, religiously, nor economically subjugated by the Nigerian State, any ethnic nationality or religious group; an ethnic group which skilfully intimidates the nation politically to achieve its goals, should be meted the Kanu treatment for his treasonable campaign to dismember the nation. And allay the insinuation that he isn’t a sacred cow.
In multicultural polities, political, ethnic, cultural, and religious persecutions engender separatism. Religious persecution led to centrifugal pressures which claimed millions of lives in the Southern Slavic countries. Rhohingya Muslims are persecuted by Myanmar’s military junta; and Muslims are stigmatised and politically persecuted by the Bharatija Janata Party-led government in India. Similarly, Christians are persecuted in North Korea and Afghanistan.
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Then, which ethnic or religious group is politically, culturally, or religiously persecuted like the Muslims in India, the Slavic countries, Myanmar; or the Christians in North Korea and Afghanistan, warranting the separatist agitations in Nigeria?
The dynamics of dismembering large plural nations produce tragic outcomes, including humanitarian disasters. The regional and continental ramifications of a dismembered state, as large and populous as Nigeria, could hardly be imagined, which would conveniently fit into the American and Western design of penetrating resource-rich war-torn nations, to enforce and keep peace, a pretext to illegally siphon resources therefrom, and establish puppet regimes.
With power shift to the South West, South South, and the almost successful attempt by the South East to clinch the presidency in 2023, the accusation of the monopolisation of political power by the North has crumbled.
If the Biafra project is resuscitated because the Igbos are subjugated in Nigeria, their wide tentacles and dominance in specific businesses across the nation don’t lend credence to any subjugation. They may have a political grudge, but having collapsed most of the bridges across ethnic and regional barriers; and the manner some of their political appointees brazenly favour their brethren in MDAs; and despite the fact that the Igbos feel at home in all Nigerian states, the South East is an uninhabitable enclave for some ethnic groups, send wrong signals of a foretaste of an Igbo presidency in Nigeria.
The history of dismembered multicultural states, has shown that separatism hasn’t been a remedy for the breakaway ethnic groups. Despite spilling blood against the political and cultural domination of the Arabs, the Southern Sudanese aren’t faring better in Southern Sudan, their new nation. Blood is still being spilt by them in factional infighting. The Ukraine-Russia war revealed that the dismemberment of the Soviet Union hasn’t brought lasting peace to the region.
The dynamics of dismembering large plural nations produce tragic outcomes, including humanitarian disasters. The regional and continental ramifications of a dismembered state, as large and populous as Nigeria, could hardly be imagined, which would conveniently fit into the American and Western design of penetrating resource-rich war-torn nations, to enforce and keep peace, a pretext to illegally siphon resources therefrom, and establish puppet regimes.
With these dismal prospects, the legion of separatists in Nigeria should sheath their swords. And since it would be difficult for the ruling classes to cure their decadence, Nigerians should vote them out of power in the 2027 elections.
Jahun a commentator on public affairs writes from Dutse, Jigawa State Capital. He writes this column every Wednesday under the title” The Other Perspective”. He can be reached via email @aminuhabibu58@gmail.com or WhatsApp on +2347 39038088.
