THE GLOBAL crusade for democracy displaced many dictators in Africa, Asia, Latin America, etc, from power. The emergent democratic nations aroused expectations for better life, but inflexible democrats in high places, some of them repentant dictators, others former scions of the struggles for the enthronement of democracy are, regretfully, increasingly becoming fascinated by the capacity of dictatorial regimes to push injurious policies down the throats of their subjects, and their inflexibility to reverse or amend them; thrilled by their deafness to the cries of their peoples, and marvelling at their paternalistic disposition of exclusively determining the interests of people and society.
But neither unsatisfactory stewardship, nor divergence from campaign pledges are sufficient to produce an electoral backlash against a ruling party in Nigerian elections. It is an aberration that despite the widespread dissatisfaction with the ruling party’s economic policies, there was no way the democratic might and angst of Nigerians could stop it from electoral thefts in the recent elections in Edo and Ondo states, a foretaste of what it could pull through in 2027.
After freeing democracy from its initial and subsequent encumbrances, those who fought for its restoration are encumbering it again, transforming its rule into a caricature of its romanticised form.
Though it is difficult to sever democratic politics from political jobbers and entrepreneurs, imposing their minions as party leaders, thereby upending the democratic precept: the majority will have their way, whilst the minority will have their say, replaced with the democratic aberration of the minority having their way, and the majority denied their say, recipe for dictatorial containment of democracy.
Reminiscent of yesterday’s dictators, presidents are uncomfortable with separation of powers. To render it impracticable, they impose their minions as legislative leaders, to undertake the kind of task recently performed by Nigeria’s Deputy Senate President, Senator Barau Jibrin, disregarding the concerns expressed by Nigerians on the new tax bill, going the extra mile to violate legislative rules, coaxing distinguished Senators on the bills.
By pitching his tent against his people, leaving them at the mercy of unfriendly policies, Senator Jibrin finds it more satisfying and gratifying to represent the executive branch than his constituency, reducing the collegial relations with the executive arm of government to a subservient relationship. It is less surprising for an accidental beneficiary of the struggles for democracy to part ways with his constituency, than the combatants of democracy to part ways with the people.
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The imposition of subservient legislative leaderships isn’t fully satisfactory to the dictatorial democrats in government houses. The multi-sided political composition of the legislative assemblies must be ignored, purging them of the capacity for vibrant oppositional politics, underscored by the imposition of minority leader on the leading opposition party in the Senate of the 10th National Assembly. The imposition illustrates the extent to which the scions of democratic revolution could dictatorially reduce the legislative assemblies to their lapdogs.
A distinguished opposition Senator is known to have been suspended for expressing factual views. Another Senator from the ruling party was relieved of his office by appealing to government to garb its policies with a human face, and was ruled out of order in the Senate for his stance against the breach of rules and an executive bill injurious to his people.
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It is contradictory for a democratic government to be inflexibly too powerful for its citizens, because the checks and balances inherent in a democracy preclude that. But in many democracies including Nigeria’s, the governments have become too powerful and inflexible for the citizens, whose concerns, fears and interests are contemptuously swept under the carpet. Surprisingly, not even the military were as rigid as the inflexible democrats of Nigeria’s 4th Republic.
Political parties are mainly voted into power on the bases of their past stewardship and campaign pledges, exemplified by the recent American elections. Unsatisfied with the performance of the Biden administration, and unimpressed with the campaign pledges of Vice President Kamala Harris, most of the traditional supporters of the Democratic Party shifted their allegiance to Trump’s Republican Party.
But neither unsatisfactory stewardship, nor divergence from campaign pledges are sufficient to produce an electoral backlash against a ruling party in Nigerian elections. It is an aberration that despite the widespread dissatisfaction with the ruling party’s economic policies, there was no way the democratic might and angst of Nigerians could stop it from electoral thefts in the recent elections in Edo and Ondo states, a foretaste of what it could pull through in 2027.
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The paternalistic attitude of feeling the pinch of shoes more than their wearers; and knowing what is best for society more than anyone else, downplays the inputs of the people in policy articulation. Had their inputs been sought and considered, the government wouldn’t have removed fuel subsidy; and the recent controversial tax bill would have long ago been withdrawn. But even military dictators are known to have responded to the cries of Nigerians on the complete removal of fuel subsidy.
It is a democratic aberration for a party to tread a course never contemplated in its campaign pledges: vote me into power to pauperise you. It is only dictators who could tread on any governance course, because their powers flow from might rather than consent of the people. If a democratic regime treads any course it wishes, it acts as if the consent of the people is inconsequential to its mandate.
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It is contradictory for a democratic government to be inflexibly too powerful for its citizens, because the checks and balances inherent in a democracy preclude that. But in many democracies including Nigeria’s, the governments have become too powerful and inflexible for the citizens, whose concerns, fears and interests are contemptuously swept under the carpet. Surprisingly, not even the military were as rigid as the inflexible democrats of Nigeria’s 4th Republic.
After the democratic community had struggled to deliver Nigerians from military dictatorship, which aroused the expectations of Nigerians for a life more abundant, it is regretful that those at the forefront of the democratic battles should undermine the democratic project with self-serving aberrations. A democratic government could only become too powerful for its citizens by adopting some dictatorial traits, a reflection of the incompleteness of the democratic revolution in a nation.
Jahun writes from Dutse, Jigawa State capital. He can be reached @ aminuhabibu58@gmail.com.

