SIXTY–FOUR odd years ago, most Black and Coloured peoples under colonial bondage, and those on the other divide accelerating the demise of the colonial project, were euphoric that Nigeria would be the pride of the black race, would aggressively project the African persona, and potentials to the world, and would be a game changer in international relations. But those were wishes not horses, which couldn’t be ridden by beggars.
But 64 years after independence, and almost half a century after a severe national test, there seems to be a lack of national consensus for Nigeria’s Union to be perpetual or transient. The transgressions of the ruling elites, which have divided the nation into opposed publics have made a lot of Nigerians to lose hope in project Nigeria, because they have been enslaved by New Slave Masters masquerading as democratic saviours.
But despite the hiccups of forging a plural nation, Nigeria’s developmental state laid the foundation of a modern economy driven by a vibrant petroleum sector, overcame secessionist pressures, facilitated the formation of ECOWAS, and played crucial roles in global, African, and sub-regional peacekeeping and enforcement, with an aggressive Africa-centred foreign policy.
The supersession of the developmental state by neoliberal project dashed the hopes unleashed in 1960. Instead of life more abundant, it became increasingly restrictive; rather than building an egalitarian society, the nation became more unequal; and instead of a freer society, the nation is becoming despotic; rather than uplifting Nigerians out of poverty, their poverty is deepened.
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There is a difference between toiling for independence and being offered it without toil. While the Americans, Cubans, Algerians and many others fought for their independence, Nigerians got theirs on a platter of gold. Unlike the regional-nationalists, and regional-chauvinists, who negotiated Nigeria’s independence, the Americans had the Washingtons; the Cubans had the Martis; and the Algerians had the Ben Bellas, who toiled and shed blood for the independence of their nations.
It took the Americans 85 years after independence to fight a civil war, whilst Nigerians fought theirs in the seventh year after Independence. And 159 years after the American Civil War, there seems to be an American consensus that the American nation has come to stay. Therefore, none of the states in the Union, nor any of the Confederate states, who fought the American Civil War, is nostalgic about the past, eager to revive the American conflict.
The American Union, as asserted by its famous war time president, Abraham Lincoln, is perpetual. But despite the no-victor, no-vanquished trajectory of the Nigerian Civil war, and despite the 3 Rs policy of the Nigerian government, somehow inspired by the American reconstruction agenda after its civil war, less than half a century later, a youthful wing of the belligerent faction of the war wants to rekindle the conflict, wanting to replay a national carnage and tragedy.
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But 64 years after independence, and almost half a century after a severe national test, there seems to be a lack of national consensus for Nigeria’s Union to be perpetual or transient. The transgressions of the ruling elites, which have divided the nation into opposed publics have made a lot of Nigerians to lose hope in project Nigeria, because they have been enslaved by New Slave Masters masquerading as democratic saviours.
If the British could tolerate Michael Imoudu’s 45 days nationwide strike, then how independent are Nigerians, whilst its native slave masters couldn’t tolerate a 10-day national protest by impoverished Nigerians? And if a ferocious military regime could be subjected to a crippling nationwide strike, what could be the justification for a democratic regime to be averse to public protests and strikes?
Some nations struggled for freedom, to be enslaved thereafter by stationery bandits, in alliance with vested external interests, engendering fresh emancipatory struggles. After their independence from the Spanish, the Cubans were enslaved by Batista, a Cuban lackey of Yankee imperialism, which necessitated another liberation struggle, ably led by Fidel Castro, Raul Castro and Ernesto Che Guevara among other comrades, which freed Cubans from United States imperialism and its local allies.
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In Nigeria the conflation of the neoliberal and the liberal democratic projects raised the stakes for mega corruption, emboldening the ruling elites to steal the nation blind, dropping all pretences for selfless public service, massively enslaving the nation, requiring a fresh struggle to emancipate it.
As painful as it was, the loss of sovereignty by the Sultanate of Borno, the Sokoto Caliphate, the Alafinate of Oyo, the principalities, empires, etc, in different parts of the pre-colonial Nigerian area to the British, seemed less insulting and painful as the disguised slavery of Nigerians to corrupt local elites, the descendants of the regional-nationalists and regional-chauvinists who negotiated independence with the British.
It speaks volume of the national resolve to build an egalitarian and corruption-free society if substantial budget padding could be cavalierly glossed over and swept under the carpet. The recent media exposure of a multi-billion conglomerate, the Rayhan Group, owned by the family of the immediate past Attorney General of the Federation, Abdullahi Malami, exposed the resolve of the ruling elites to enslave Nigerians.
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The regionally-inclined nationalists, who negotiated independence in 1960, and other Nigerians, had high hopes for the new nation. But 64 years after independence, despair has displaced hope, despotism has replaced freedom, and a new crop of rapacious leaders have enslaved the nation, and indirectly themselves. It is the patriotic duty of Nigerians to unite and reclaim the nation from the political gangsterism masquerading as change agency in Nigeria.
If it were in New Zealand, which was independent 13 years earlier than Nigeria, should its last Attorney General, or any other former public officer, flaunt such obscene wealth after a short stint in public office, he would dance to the tune of its investigating authorities. He would explain, within the limits of his official earnings, how he acquired such wealth. And if it were in Singapore, where a former minister was jailed for receiving gifts of American dollars, such a distasteful display of wealth by a former public officer wouldn’t be regarded as normal. And the Chinese haven’t become what they are, without zero tolerance for corruption, where corrupt public officers get the death penalty.
If the British could tolerate Michael Imoudu’s 45 days nationwide strike, then how independent are Nigerians, whilst its native slave masters couldn’t tolerate a 10-day national protest by impoverished Nigerians? And if a ferocious military regime could be subjected to a crippling nationwide strike, what could be the justification for a democratic regime to be averse to public protests and strikes?
The veritable tools of enslavement are critical organs of state. First, is the NNPCL famed as the most opaque national oil corporation in the world. Its refineries have been grounded to facilitate refined fuel importation, and an opaque subsidy regime, which have served the crude accumulative goals of the ruling elites. Its centrality to economic malfeasance might have tempted most of the presidents in the Fourth Republic to retain the Petroleum Ministry under their direct control.
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The electoral empire, INEC, and the judiciary are enslavement tools of Nigerians. The two organs facilitate the cyclical reproduction of rapacious politicians as the ruling elites. Whilst INEC could alter its modus operandi in an ongoing election to favour an electoral contender, the judiciary provides a judicial anchor to the preferred contender. There has never been a presidential election which has been judicially upturned in Nigeria.
The regionally-inclined nationalists, who negotiated independence in 1960, and other Nigerians, had high hopes for the new nation. But 64 years after independence, despair has displaced hope, despotism has replaced freedom, and a new crop of rapacious leaders have enslaved the nation, and indirectly themselves. It is the patriotic duty of Nigerians to unite and reclaim the nation from the political gangsterism masquerading as change agency in Nigeria.
Jahun is a commentator on public affairs. He writes from Dutse, the Jigawa State Capital. He writes this column every Wednesday under the title: ‘The Other Perspective.’ He can be reached via email@aminuhabibu58@gmail.com, or WhatsApp on +237 39038088.

