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Home»Opinion»Socialist World: The Way to Go Part II
Opinion

Socialist World: The Way to Go Part II

National RecordBy National RecordSeptember 26, 2020No Comments7 Mins Read
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If you missed the first part of this article, read it here

By Biodun Olamosu

SOCIAL mobility of public officers is determined on the basis of those that acquired university education or professional skills being granted privileges over others under them. But this is not just based on the qualifications they have gained and hard work. Children who go to the best schools and universities (often now abroad) are more likely to gain senior appointments in the civil service and judiciary. They are then likely to be biased in favour of their old classmates, their families and friends.

With a parliamentary system, an unfounded impression is given of the neutrality of the state apparatus in discharging its role without fear or favour but to deliver equity and justice. This is also the case in respect of the judiciary. But such arguments have been found nugatory in a class divided society. Those that constitute the state invariably favour the interests of the ruling class, the rich elite and corrupt money bags generally.

In the modern period, such illusions in the parliamentary system are thickening and it would be fool hardy not to take this into consideration, while developing our position on the strategy and tactics to adopt in socialist politics. In fact this is the very reason socialists participate in electoral politics. We have to use every means to try and improve the lot of the working people, but we know that the real power lies outside parliament in the organised working class. We know that major reforms are only achieved with the threat of action and even revolution from the working class.

In reality, the way forward is found in the crucible of struggle by the rank and file workers from below realising the class in itself and for itself towards their own emancipation. The bountiful traditions of class struggle in the past through colonial period, military rule and democracy that included the general strikes of 1945, 1965, 1981, 1994, 2003, 2007, 2012 are clear indications that change is possible in Nigeria. More recently, mass protests in Sudan and Algeria last year and Mali this year have demonstrated the real power of the organised working class.

While the ruling class and the politicians in power over the years have failed most Nigerians; they have been very successful at enriching themselves and a few others across the country. This is why they would not let go especially for socialists. For this reason, they have raised the issues of ethnicity and religion as a way of mobilising support for themselves while dividing the working people. Some of them are also canvassing for a return to the past and call for true federalism, secession or confederation.

The climax of class struggle is social revolution where power passes from the hands of the old ruling class to the emergent class. The working class has been a key element of classical bourgeois revolutions as in the case of French (1789), Germany (1848 and 1878) and the socialist revolution in Russia (1917). In the case of the Russian revolution, the working class took over power but this slipped from their hands as a result of the intervention of the European powers and the bureaucracy of the counter-revolution led by Stalin. This caused the degeneration of the first workers’ state in history leading to state capitalism rather than any form of socialism.

Revolution is a mighty force that brings the huge working masses into the realm of class struggle has no comparison in addressing decades and centuries of old forms of deprivations, oppression, social inequality, sexism, xenophobia, racism, ethnic and religious discrimination, etc. The effect of the 1917 Russian revolution spread to Nigeria and other African countries as well as other parts of the world. This motivated the people in the direction of socialist-nationalist movements and later gave them confidence to pursue the struggle against colonial rule.

Nigeria, like many African countries, gained its independence in 1960, but the government that surfaced was dominated by the educated elite who were not primarily interested in the lives of the poor. This overshadowing of the working class, despite its key role in winning independence is confirmation of Tony Cliff’s theory of deflected permanent revolution. The working class may not come to power due to its weakness and the perceived progressive role of the educated elite. The politics of Stalinism also encouraged the working class leaders to restrict themselves to being the foot-solders in the nationalist struggle, whilst socialism was postponed to a later date.

History, as Karl Marx said, is the history of class struggle. It is only through mass strikes and struggle that progress is made and significant benefits are gained for the popular classes. If the rich feel threatened, they will provide reforms like free healthcare and education. When their confidence returns, as with neoliberalism in recent decades, the reforms are removed, inequality and corruption then increases. This is how what is gained from the right hand withdrawn by the left hand.

While the ruling class and the politicians in power over the years have failed most Nigerians; they have been very successful at enriching themselves and a few others across the country. This is why they would not let go especially for socialists. For this reason, they have raised the issues of ethnicity and religion as a way of mobilising support for themselves while dividing the working people. Some of them are also canvassing for a return to the past and call for true federalism, secession or confederation.

Marxists, as a matter of right, recognise the rights of nations to self-determination, but at the same time, believe in maintaining unity across the working class of all ethnic groups, nationalities and religions.

The poor are desperate for another world that provides a way out of their misery. As a result, some look to alternatives like burglary, banditry, religion, etc. Thus, for example, it is no accident that Boko Haram arose in the North East, the poorest part of the country. We have to demonstrate that collective working class action is a more effective way to improve poor peoples’ lives. So the more active and credible the working class alternative that is offered, the more insecurity will fade away.

In typical class struggles, like strikes, socialists can make success more likely. As part of the working class movement with traditions of providing trusted leadership, socialists are able to extend strikes and other actions until victory is achieved. Similarly, in conditions of heightened class struggle when the masses are on the streets, socialists can maintain the confidence of the common people and ensure that demands are extended and the protests are maintained as long as possible. Without an influential socialist organisation to provide leadership, mass movements can fade away with negotiations as happened in Sudan last year, or military intervention as in Mali recently.

The core role for socialists is to support and provide solidarity for the day-to-day struggles of workers, small holding farmers, the poor, unemployed, the youths and all other exploited and oppressed people. In us they should be well assured of dependable and reliable collaborators to support and provide solidarity against the state, bosses and the ruling class generally, nationally and internationally.

We are therefore in the immediate period collaborating with others on the platform of the Alliance on Surviving COVID-19 and Beyond (ASCAB) in fighting against economic and political injustice during this period of coronavirus pandemic and afterwards. While ultimately, we are committed to the cause of a proper socialist government led by the working class and small farmers; a nationalised economy that is democratically controlled and managed by the working class. (Concluded)

Comrade Olamosu is Secretary of Socialist Labour.

 

______________________________________________

Views expressed in published opinion articles are entirely the authors’ and do not represent the opinion or position of National Record.

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