Introduction
THE TWO decades between 1979 and 1999 have been critical for the evolution of the social, economic and political crisis of today’s Nigeria. For, it was in those two decades that western political and financial institutions took over Nigeria fully.
Thus, when General Olusegun Obasanjo (OBJ) handed over power to National Party of Nigeria (NPN), following the controversial elections of 1979, the World Bank and IMF programme of SAP of the 1980s was already being formulated as OBJ was already twisting the arms of the oppressed and withdrawing support for public welfare (e.g. education).
The responses of Nigeria’s labour movement to the social and economic developments were decisive. The predictions of the movement as to the consequences of World Bank/IMF/Nigerian-ruling class conspiracy were also prophetic in that, as victims, they foresaw today’s social and economic crises of collapsed infrastructures, comatose manufacturing sector, collapse of social services (education, health and public utilities), escalation of corruption, poverty, crimes and unemployment.
Indeed, the Guidelines for the Fourth National Development Plan 1981-85 (Federal Ministry of National Planning, Lagos) p.8, stated categorically that “in the light of the formulation and implementation [of the Plan], …a training programme for planners from the federal and state governments, including parastatals was jointly organised by the Central Planning Office, the NISER and the Economic Development Institute of the World Bank” (My Emphasis).
On December 31 1983, Shagari openly canvassed the Structural Adjustment Programme in his 1984 Budget Speech. In spite of the wrangling within the military dictatorship between January 1, 1984 and May 29, 1999, what the armed wing of Nigeria’s ruling class achieved in almost two full decades was to lay the foundation for the social and economic marginalisation of the masses of Nigeria’s working people through unprecedented accumulation of private wealth (stealing, contractual plunder, withdrawal of government support for education, public health utilities, sales of public properties etc) and handover of Nigeria to international finance capital. Thus, SAP was renamed “guided deregulation” and (Vision 2010) under Abacha.
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Consequently, when Olusegun Obasanjo returned in 1999 as a “civilian” Head of State surrounded by many retired generals and their friends, it was a return to the 1977/79 scene of the crimes of the armed wing of the Nigerian ruling class.
But the victims of the conspiracy between the IMF and the World Bank, on one hand, and the national ruling class, on the other, were attentive to the shock waves of the developing programme of recolonising Nigeria – the programme that started under Obasanjo and which transformed into the 1982 Austerity Measures (the so-called Economic Stabilisation Act) under Shehu Shagari’s civilian government.
Specifically, in 1980, the NLC proclaimed the ‘Workers Charter of Demands’ which among other things insisted on a minimum wage on the basis of which government was forced through the 1981 General Strike to increase minimum from N60 per month to N125 per month. Simultaneously the National Association of Nigeria Student (NANS), in 1982, issued the ‘NANS Charter of Demands’.
These measures were accompanied by mass sack of workers in the public and private sectors. In the universities alone, more than ten thousand Catering Services workers were sacked in 1984 following the withdrawal of subsidised catering services in the universities. Meanwhile, banks and various multinational companies were declaring huge profits and politicians and their consultants, contractors and middlemen were smiling to their banks.
In what Babangida’s dictatorship called Economic Recovery Programmes, workers’ wages were actually cut for the so-called Economic Recovery Fund! In many places like Otta, Dadinkowa and Bakalori, massive land seizures by private companies and the new rich were leading to protests in farming communities and to police violence against, and murders of, peasants.
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The responses of Nigeria’s labour movement to the social and economic developments were decisive. The predictions of the movement as to the consequences of World Bank/IMF/Nigerian-ruling class conspiracy were also prophetic in that, as victims, they foresaw today’s social and economic crises of collapsed infrastructures, comatose manufacturing sector, collapse of social services (education, health and public utilities), escalation of corruption, poverty, crimes and unemployment.
The success of the Nigerian labour movement was the result of the commitment of the leaders of the movement, especially in their core organisation, the Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC), and solidarity among various wings of the labour movement and the working class – workers, students, the youth, women etc. – and their various patriotic allies in the professions; the Nigerian Bar Association (NBA), the Nigerian Medical Association (NMA), etc.
Effectively then, the NLC as the vanguard of the Nigerian Labour Movement was, with the active collaboration of some of its leaders, completely demobilised by government for eleven years (1988-1999). The collaborationist, if not outright sell-out, tendency among leaders of the NLC has continued to be a major obstacle in the struggle of the movement to strengthen the movement for effective defence of Nigeria’s working people and to build a political platform with a socio-economic and political program that defends the age-long tradition for working-class power and solidarity, support for effective public intervention in the national economy and opposition to privatisation and support for full public funding of social services (education, health, housing, employment etc).
Specifically, in 1980, the NLC proclaimed the ‘Workers Charter of Demands’ which among other things insisted on a minimum wage on the basis of which government was forced through the 1981 General Strike to increase minimum from N60 per month to N125 per month. Simultaneously the National Association of Nigeria Student (NANS), in 1982, issued the ‘NANS Charter of Demands’.
Arising from the patriotic struggles of Nigerian Students and academics (1977-1979) to rescue higher education from total collapse, ASUU’s strikes of 1982 forced a negotiated agreement with the federal government. Between 1984 and 1985, the military dictatorship simply tried to impose IMF/World Bank SAP by force. The NLC, ASUU and NMA, in incredible show of solidarity, responded with sharp mobilisation documents opposing privatisation, wage freeze, fuel price increase and withdrawal of welfare and social services, etc. Among the most important mobilisation documents early in 1984 were: “Nigerian Workers Socio-Political View-Point in the Situation of Military Take-Over of Governments of the Federation”,and“Towards Economic Recovery”.
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Arising from massive popular opposition to the social and economic programs of the Buhari-Idiagbon military dictatorship and internal wrangling in the army top brass, the coupists of September 27, 1985 sought to use more carrots than sticks to continue the IMF programme of selling Nigeria. But the Nigeria Labour Movement defeated and exposed the Babangida regime in two major engagements after the September 27, 1985 coup: the IMF [Loan] Debate and the Political Debate. The Labour Movement, led by NLC and the students, persuaded the Nigerian people to reject IMF loan and to adopt a political agenda for socialist transformation in Nigeria. Babangida imposed SAP and World Bank neo-liberalism all the same!
The die was cast and the labour movement (led by the students) started systematic mass mobilisation to end military rule. Segments of the NLC surrendered; thus, depriving the labour movement of the strategic coordinating advantage of an NLC-led resistance by the movement. The NLC was banned in 1988 and handed over to Ogunkoya of John Holt (one of the dominant multinational companies of that time).
By the time Pascal Bafyau (a former General Secretary of the Nigerian Union of Railwaymen) assumed presidency of NLC, the Congress became completely neutralised as a vanguard of the labour movement until 1994 when the NLC was formerly banned again and handed over to a government sole administrator.
Effectively then, the NLC as the vanguard of the Nigerian Labour Movement was, with the active collaboration of some of its leaders, completely demobilised by government for eleven years (1988-1999). The collaborationist, if not outright sell-out, tendency among leaders of the NLC has continued to be a major obstacle in the struggle of the movement to strengthen the movement for effective defence of Nigeria’s working people and to build a political platform with a socio-economic and political program that defends the age-long tradition for working-class power and solidarity, support for effective public intervention in the national economy and opposition to privatisation and support for full public funding of social services (education, health, housing, employment etc).
In the eight years or so (1998-2006) that followed the 1988-1998 eclipse of the NLC, the same general loss of capacity of NLC to effectively lead the labour movement remained. While NLC led a few pickets here and there against job casualisation and fuel price increases, the twin pillars of Obasanjo’s economic policies went ahead unabated. More importantly the NLC remained too weak to stop the auctioning of public assets (privatisation), the massive sack of workers in the public sector or the massive rigging of elections in 2003 and 2007! Consequently, although NLC got Obasanjo to raise minimum wage in the public sector, it was not able to prevent loss of jobs due to retrenchments, collapse of industries and privatisation.
To be continued.
Comrade Prof. Olorode first presented this paper at the Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC) Rain School held at the Workers’ Solidarity Centre, Atan Ofot, Uyo, Akwa Ibom State on 19th July, 2010. He later updated and presented it at the Conference in honour of Dr Dipo Fashina at Obafemi Awolowo Univerity, Ile-Ife on May 7, 2013.
